PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
JANUARY
DECEMBER, 190,
VOL. XXV. THIRTY-THIRD SESSION.
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
n. Great Russell Street, Lotjdon, W.C.
1903.
HARRISON AND SONS,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY,
ST. martin's lane, LONDON.
COUNCIL, 1903.
Prcsi lent.
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &c.
Vice- Presidents .
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Hon. The Marquess of Northamp on.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison.
Alexander Feckover, LL. D., F.S.A.
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, G.C.B., &c., &c.
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury;
(ieneral Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G., &c., &c.
Coitncil.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. M. Gaster.
F. LI. Griffith, F.S.A.
Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE.,
F.R.S.,&c.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. NaviUe.
Edward S. AL Perowne.
J. Pollard.
S. Arthur Strong.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.
F.R.S., &c.
Honorary Treastirtr — Bernard T. Piosauquet.
Secretary— \^2i\\.tx L. Nash, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — F. Legge.
Honorary Lihrartan — Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
C O N T E N T S
Donations to ihe Library i, 2, 65, 66, 104, 166,
236, 298, 33S
Election of Members 2, 66, 104, 166, 236, 298
Notices of Decease of Meml)ers ... ... 103, 165, 235, 297
No. CLXXxvii. January.
Secretary's Report for the Year 1902 ... ... ... 3-9
Council and Officers for the Year 1903 ... ... ... 10
Prok. E. Navillk, D.C.L., o>r. — 'llie IJook of the Dead.
Chapter CXLIX {coiitimicd) {Plate) 11-14
Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., (>-r. — Some Uncon-
ventional Yiews on the Text of the Bible (lY) {co/itd.) 15-22
A. BoissiER. — Materiaux pour I'Etude de la Religion
Assyro-Babylonienne {contiiuted)... ... ... ... 23-29
J. Offord. — Inscriptions relating to the Jewish ^^'ar of
A'espasian and Titus {cont'uiued) ... ... ... •■■ S'^?)^
S. A. Cook, Af.A. — A Pre-Massoretic Biblical ]\apyrus
(3^/''^''0 34-56
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L., Letter from— On the Trans-
literation of Egyptian ... ... ... . . ... 57-61
Prof. A. H. Savce. — A Seal-Cylinder from Homs ... 62, (>i
Dr. E. Nks'ii.k.- -The Septuagint Rendering of 2 Kings
xi\-, 26 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 63
No. ci.xxwiii. Imjirtarv.
1'rof. E. N.U'H.i.e, D.C.L.., Cs-w — The Book of ihc Dead.
Chapters CXLIX (^<?;/////Wd'^) and CL {Plate) 67-70
T. G. PiN'CHES, ZZ. A — Cylinder-seals belonging to Mr.
Rigg (/'A;/r) 71^74
A. BoissiKR. — Materiaux pour I'l'-tude do la Religion
Assvro-BaI)vlonienne {cciitiiiih'd )... ... ... ... 75-Si
CONTEXTS. V
r.\r,F,
Rev. C. H. W. Johns, J/../.— The Chronology of As^.r-
banipal's Reign (II) ... ... ... ... ... 82-S9
A Bihngual Charm. — Notes on, by Prof. 15. Mokitz ... 89
Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., <s~\\ — Some Unon-
ventional Views on the Te.xt of the Bible (l^') {contd.)... 90 98
W. E. Crum. — The Decalogue and Deuteronomy in
Coptic ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 99"ioi
W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — A Relic of Amenhetep III ... loi
The Transliteration of Egyptian- — Errata to Prof. Naville's
letter ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 102
No. ct.xxxix. March.
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L., <s^c. — The Book of the Dead
{continued). Chapters CLI, CLIa /'/V, CLII (/'A/Z^') ... 105 no
Percy E. Newberry. — Discovery of the 'I'omb of
Thothmes IV ... ... ... ... ... ... 111,112
W. L. Nash, i^.S'..l-Ha-Mhyt 112
T. G. Pinches, LL.D. — Gilgames and the Hero of the
Elood {Plate) ... ... ... ... ... ... 113-122
E. J. Pilch ER. — The TempleTnscription of Bod-'Astar',
King of the Sidonians (/'A?/^) ... ... ... ... 123-129
Percy E. Newrerrv. — Extracts from my Notebooks (VI)
i^/crte) 130-138
Prof. C. C. Torrey. — The Greek ^'ersions of Chionic!e=,
Ezra, and Nehemiah ... ... ... ... ... 139, 140
Prof. A. H. S.wce, ZZ;. A— The I)e.:iphcrm?rjt of the
Hittite Inscriptions ... ... ... ... ... 141-156
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.Z., o>r. — The Egyp'.ian Name of
Joseph ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 157-161
Transliteration of Egyptian. — Letter from Pro:'. Dr.
LiERLEix ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 162, 163
No. cxc. April and May.
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L., c^r.— The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CLIIIa (/Yrr/r) 167-172
VI ( 0\-|F.N"lS.
Prof. A. H. Savck. LLJ)., d-r.— Tlu- ne<-ii)hcrnH-nt of
the Hittite Inscriptions (rcw/'///;/'(v/) ... ... ... i7j;-ig4
']'. G. Pinches, LL.D. — ("lilgames and llic Iliro of tlie
yiood (co//h'//?ied) ... ... ... ... ... ... 195-201
A. CowLKY, Jlf.A. — Some Egyptian Aramaic documents
{P/afe) 202-208
f Letter from Prof. Dr. J.vcob
The Transliteration of J Krall... ... ... ... 209-212
Egyptian. j Letter from Prof. T)r. A.
L WlEDEM.\NN ... ... ... 2 1 2-2 14
F. \\. Green. — Notes on an Inscription at el-Kal)
{2 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 215, 216
]'i:rcv E. Newhekrv. — The Sekhemet Statues of the
'J'emple of Mut, at Karnnk ... ... ... ... 2i7-22r
Dr. S. Kr.\uss. — Postumus, Prefect of Egypt ... ... 222-224
E. J. Pilcher. — The Jews of the Dispersion in Roman'
Galatia (/Y<7/r) ... ... ... ... ... ... 225-233
No. CXCI. Jl-^NE.
Prof. E. N.wii.le, D.C.L., &^c. — The Book of the Dead.
Chapters CLIIIr; and CLIV (P/a/e) ... ... ... 237-242
Prof. Dr. E. Revillout. — Le Proces du Vautour et de
la Chatte devant le Soleil... ... ... ... ... 243-249
Prof. A. H. S.wce, LL.D. — Note on the Inscriptions at
el-Kab ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 249
E. J. Pilcher. — The Jews of the Dispersion in Roman
Galatia ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 250-258
A. Cowley, M.A. — Some Egyptian Aramaic Documents
{co7itinued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 259-266
Prof. A. H. Sayce, ZZ.Z).— Gilgames 266
W. E. CRU^L — Coptic Texts relating to Dioscorus of
Alexandria... ... ... ... ... ... ... 267-276
Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., &^c. — The Decipherment of
the Hittite Inscriptions (continued) {Plate) ... ... 277-287
The Transliteration of Egyptian. — Letter of Prof. Dr. E.
Revillout ... ... ... ... ... ... 288-293
CONTENTS. Vll
PACK
Percy E. Newberry. — Note on the Parentage of Amen-
hetep III ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 294-295
No. cxcii. November.
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L., qt'c. — The Book of the Dead
{continued^. Chapters CLV-CLXI (P/a^^) ... ... 299-304
Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., 6-v. — The Decipherment of
the Hittite Inscriptions {fo??ti?rued ) ... ... ... 305-310
A. Cowley, A:/. A.— Some Egyptian Aramaic Documents
{coiitiinied)... ... ... ... ... ... ... 311-314
Note by Prof. A. H. Sayce ... ... ... ... 315-316
E. O. Winstedt. — Sahidic BibHcal Fragments ... ... 317-325
Rev. C. H. W, Johns. — The Year Names of Samsu-iluna 325, 326
F. G. Hilton-Price, Dir. S.A. — Upon a Set of Seven
Unguent or Perfume Vases {Plate) ... ... ... 326-328
The Transliteration of Egyptian. — Letter of Prof. Dr. E.
Kkwillovt (continued) ... ... ... ... ... 329-333
A. H. Gardiner. — On the Meaning of the Preposition
f"^ 334-336
No. cxciii. December.
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.Z., cr'c. — The Book of the Dead
{cojitimied). Chapters CLX I I-CLX IV (/Ya^e') ... 339-346
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &^c. — The Decipherment of
the Hittite Inscriptions (r^;;^/«?^^^) ... ... ... 347-356
Percy E. Newberry. — Extracts from my Notebook (VII)
(2 F/ates) 357-362
[ Letter from Prof. Dr. E.
The Transh'teration of 1 Revillout (continued) ... 363-367
Egyptian. { Letter from Prof. Victor
L Loret 368-370
V. Green. — Prehistoric Drawings at el-Kab (/'/a/t') ... 371,372
Title Page and Index.
lI.l.LslKATlON.^
LIST OF PLATES.
Book of the Dead (7 J'lafcs) 11, 67, 110,
A pre-Massoretic Biblical Papyrus (3 I'lalcs)
Cylinder-seals belonging to Mr. Rigg
Gilgames and the Hero of the Flood (2 P/afe.
Bod-'Astart
" Extracts from my Notebooks " (3 Plates)
Egyptian Aramaic documents
Inscription at el-Kab (2 Plates) ...
Bronze coins of Apameia Cibotus
Hittite Inscriptions
Kw Unguent or Perfume \'ase
Prehistoric drawings at el Kab ...
167, 242, 304, 346
56
74
122
126
202
225
284
326
371
ti.- fs
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
First Meeting, lA^th Jamiarj, 1903.
[anniversary.]
Sir henry H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., &-r.,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^>&-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann, Das Okapi
im alten Aegypten. Die Umschau. 13th December, 1902.
Frankfort.
From the Author : — Rev. C. Boutflower. Tiglath Pileser, king
of Babylon. The key to Isaiali xiii, i to xiv, 27. Part III.
The Churchman, December, 1902.
From the Author : — Lieut. -General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G.,
K.C.B., F.R.S., R.E. The Ancient Cubit and other weights
and measures. 8vo. Published by the Palestine Exploration
Fund, 1903.
[No. CLXXXVII.] I
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1903.
From the Author : — George Eraser. The Early Tombs at Tehneh.
Atmales du Service des Antupntcs, T. Ill, 1902.
From the Author : — Rev. Cesare A. de Cara, S.J. Di alcuni criterii
incerti nella Paletnologia archeologia e storia antica.
Civilta Cattolica, January, 1903.
The following Candidates were elected ]\Iembers of the
Society : —
The Baron Mallet, 35, Rue Anjou, Paris.
Sir William T. Charley, K.C., D.C.L., d-c"., Woodbourne, East
Grinstead.
Rev. G. Heaton Thomas, B.A., Walm Lane, Willesden Green, N.
The following Paper was read : —
Dr. Theo. G. Pinches : " Gilgames and the Hero of the Flood,
the new version.
Remarks were added by the Chairman.
Jan 14] SECRETARY'S REPORT. [1903.
SECRETARY'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1902.
In submitting to you my twenty-fourth annual report, mention must
be again made to the severe losses the Society has sufifered from the
death of some of its most distinguished members ; it has been a sad
duty to announce these losses from time to time. I must here refer to
Canon Rawlinson, Y'ice-President ; Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.,
Member of the Council ; P. J. DE Horrack, Honorary Member ; and
H. Syer Cuming.
The number on the roll of Members has, however, been fairly
retained ; there is still, however, much more that might be done, if a
determined effort was made to increase the number. There must be
many who would be willing to help if only they were asked. I have
many times appealed to the whole body of Members to assist the Society
in this manner ; I again repeat the appeal, in the hope that it may not
be overlooked.
The Papers read before the Society, and printed in this volume, will
be found not inferior in value and interest to those of former years, and
the best thanks of the Society are due to the many writers \\ho have
thus contributed to the success of our meetings and publications.
Those printed in the volume of Proceedings for the year 1902 are as
follows. Many of them have been fully illustrated, and it will be noted
that the suggestion with reference to short notes has been very kindly
responded to by a number of the Members. These add very much to
the interest of our publications, and I can only hope that it will be
possible to print a greater number of notes during the coming year.
The following list has been kindly prepared by Mr. Nash, who
has for more than a year acted as the Editor of the Proceeditigs.
3 A 2
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGV. [1903.
The following Papers have appeared in the Proceedings during
the past Session : —
Prof. Sayce {President) :
The lonians in the Tel el Ainarna Tablets ;
Notes from Egypt ;
The Greeks in Babylonia— Grasco-Cuneiform Texts.
A. BOISSIER :
Materiaux pour I'etude de la religion Assyro-Babylonienne, Part L
Prof. J. H. Breasted :
A mythological text from Memphis.
R. Brown, Junr., F.S.A. :
Note on the heavenly body ^^^>->-y
F. C. BURKITT :
Notes on Greek transcriptions of Babylonian tablets ;
The so-called Quinta of 4 Kings ;
Fragments of some early Greek MSS. on papyrus.
S. A. Cook, M.A. :
An Arabic Version of the prologue to Ecclesiasticus.
W. E. Crum :
Eusebius and Coptic Church histories ;
A Scythian in Egypt ;
A bilingual charm.
Alan H. Gardiner :
A monument of Antef V at Coptos ;
The word "Ma" in the inscription of Una ;
Note on the Millingen Papyrus I, 3-4.
J. E. GiLMORE :
Manuscript portions of three Coptic Lectionaries.
Rev. Canon Girdlestone :
Notes on the comparative value of the two recensior.s of Ezra.
Mrs. Alice Grenfell :
The iconography of Bes, and of Phoenican Bes-hand scarabs.
Sir H. H. Howorth, A'.CJ.E., &^c. :
Some unconventional views on the text of the Bible (III, IV).
Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
The chronology of Assurbanipal's reign, I ;
Some Assyrian Letters.
F. Legge :
The history of the transliteration of Egyptian,
J:an. 14] SECRETARY'S REPORT. [1903.
W. L. Nash, KS.A. :
Heads of small statues from the Temple of Mut at Karnak ;
Ancient Egyptian draughts-boards and draughts-men.
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L., &^c. :
The Book of the Dead ; chapters CXL-CXLIX.
Percy E. Newberry :
Extracts from my Note Book, V ;
The Parentage of Queen Aah-hetep.
Rev. W. O. E. Oesterley, B.D. :
The sacrifice of Isaac.
Joseph Offord :
The Antiquity of the 4-wheeled chariot ;
Semitic Analogies for Old Testament names ;
Inscriptions relating to the Jewish war of Vespasian and Titus.
J. Offord and E. J. Pilcher :
Some Punic Analogues.
E. J. Pilcher :
Ana-pani-Ili illustrated from the Hebrew.
Dr. Pinches :
Cylinder-seals belonging to J. Offord ;
Greek transcriptions of Babylonian tablets ;
Hammurabi's code of laws.
Dr. W. Pleyte :
Dwelling-houses in Egypt.
F. W. Read and A. C. Bryant :
A Mythological text from Memphis.
Seymour de Ricci :
The Praefects of Egypt, II.
Dr. W. Spiegelberg :
The fragments of the Astarte Papyrus of the Amherst collection ;
The hieratic Text in Mariette's Karnak.
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. :
Ancient Egyptian objects in wood and bone.
Egyptian foundation deposits of bronze and wooden model tools.
Types of Egyptian draughtsmen.
The Society was represented at the Congress of Orientalists, held at
Rome in September last, by Mr. F. Legge, Mr. Edward S. M. Perowne,
Mr. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. , and myself; and an interesting account of
5
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^EOLOGY, [1903.
the Meeting by Mr. Legge will be printed in a future part of the
Proceedings,
The necessary completion of the nine volumes of 7>v?;/j'rtr//t5;w already
published, in the form of a complete Index to the whole series, making a
tenth volume, would render the contents much more available to both
scholars and students. Again the Society has been indebted to Mr.
Nash, who has prepared this Index, and presented the manuscript to the
Society. It is quite complete, and only waits, as stated in the circular
sent to all the members, the necessary number of subscribers to enable
the Council to have it printed. A few more subscribers would enable
the Council to issue this Index, and it is much to be regretted that
sufficient members do not send in their names, so that the volume may
be printed without drawing on the ordinary income of the Society.
The work so kindly undertaken by M. Naville, of completing the late
President's translation of the Book of the Dead, is well in progress, and
a regular sequence of chapters are now being printed in the Proceedings.
Much inconvenience, and correspondence which should be unneces-
sary, has been caused by some Members not paying their subscriptions
regularly. I must call attention to the notices issued in the Proceedittgs
at the end of each year, one of which points out t/inf the subscriptions
are due i?t adva7ice in January.
The number of kindred Societies with which publications are ex-
changed has been increased ; and it has been the special endeavour of the
Council to collect together as many as possible of the journals and other
publications containing matter relating to Biblical Archaeology, in order
that they may be ready for reference by the members of the Society.
Donations of books have been made by both members and authors,
to whom the best thanks of the Society are due for thus placing a
number of works within the reach of many to whom they may be of
real service. It is to be regretted that the funds at their disposal for
this purpose are not sufficient to allow the Council to make the Library
as complete as could be wished.
A list of many works especially wanted for the use of the Members
has been printed many times at the end of the Proceedings. This list is
necessarily altered from time to time, owing to the kind responses
made by the presentation of some of the books required. It is
sincerely to be hoped, for the benefit of those students who use our
Library, that those Members who have duplicate copies of those works
entered in the list, or others connected with the objects of the Society,
will present them, and thus give to students the opportunity and
benefit of using them.
In order to protect the many valuable books and journals from
damage and loss, a circular has been sei eral times issued asking
for donations towards binding. It has been responded to by those
6
Jan. 14.]
SECRETARY'S REPORT.
[1903-
to whom the Society has been so often indebted for assistance,
following is a list of the subscriptions received
The
Rev. C. H. W. Johns
W. E. Crum
Rev. Jas. Marshall
Jon. L. Evans ...
W. H. Rylands ...
The Rt. Rev. The Bishop of Shrewsbury
Miss L. Kennedy
The Hon. Miss Plunket
W. Morrison
Rev. Dr. Lowy
Maxwell Close
A. Peckover
Miss Peckover
J. Pollard
F. C. Burkitt
Miss Izod
T. Christy
Dr. Gaster
Miss Rucker
F. D. Mocatta
Miss Ingram
F. Legge...
H. Sefton Jones
The audited Statement ot Receipts and Expenditure for the year
1902 shows that the funds available for that year have been ;/^664 is. lod.
and the expenditure for the same period has been ^581 iii-. 2d. The
balance carried forward from 1901 was ^39 i^. 4^/., and that from the
year just ended is ^82 los. 8d.
£
s.
d.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
I
0
0
0
0
0
0
I
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
C
0
0
0
10
0
I
0
0
0
0
5
0
0
0
0
0
Sir Henry Howorth announced that Mr. Rylands having resigned the
Secretaryship of the Society, Mr. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A., had very
kindly undertaken to fill the office of Secretary. He wished to thank
Mr. Nash for having done so, and also to propose a vote of th:j.nks to
Mr. Rylands for all the care and trouble he had given to the affairs of
the Society for a period of close upon twenty-five years.
Mr. Thomas Christy, F.L.S., in seconding the vote, expressed the
regret the Council felt i;: losing the services of Mr. Rylands, a regret
which he felt sure would be shared by the Members. It was, however,
7
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903.
most gratifying to know that the duties of Secretary had been taken up
by Air. Nash, who for some years had been a member of the Council.
The vote having been put to the Meeting by the Chairman, it was
carried unanimously.
Mr. Rylands said in reply : I wish to thank Sir Henry Howorth and
Mr. Christy for the very kind expressions they have used about me, and
also the Council and Members for the good feeling which they have
always shown towards me throughout the time I have held the office
of Secretary. I should wish also to express my thanks to my friend
Mr. Nash, who for more than a year past has been intimately associated
with me in the working of the Society, for the very kind assistance he
has so willingly given to me. It is an uphill task that he has undertaken,
as I know perhaps better than anyone, and I will ask you all to give to
him that kind consideration which I have always received.
As I have now passed out of office, before I sit down I will take this
opportunity, which seems to me to be a favourable one, of adding a few
remarks which I have hesitated to say while I was the Secretary. I
hope they will pass far beyond these walls, and wall by one means or
another come to the knowledge of those Members who are not now
present : and I speak now in order to remove if possible from my
successor some of those disheartening troubles which have followed me
throughout the whole of my term of office.
It should be remembered that although this Society has attained a
very prominent position among learned Societies, and has and is publish-
ing material of the greatest value to Science, this has not been done
without the continuous labour of the Council and officers, because
although many kind friends have generously furnished the papers we
have printed, the "ways and means" have always required the greatest
care and consideration.
Isilore. general interest in the Society is required. The greater number
of the Members exhibit no interest whatever beyond paying their sub-
scriptions with more or less regularity, and receiving the publications
when sent to them by post. They never do anything for the benefit of
the Society, never send in papers, never nominate new members, and
never subscribe towards any undertaking started by the Council. New
Members are constantly required, and it is impossible to believe that if
a little more interest was exhibited, and some little effort made, there
would be any ditiiculty in very greatly increasing, if not doubling, the
number of names now on the roll.
I have fought the battle now for a good number of years, but surely
the fact that we have collected together and printed far more material
towards the proper understanding of many points connected with the
Bible than any other Institution in existence, ought to be enough to merit
some considerable support, a more than ordinary acknowledgment.
8
JA>-. 14] SECRETARY'S REPORT. [1903.
Again, opportunities occur when it is in the power of the Council to
render the work of the Society more generally useful, by the publication
of books or otherwise : the response in such cases is always made by the
few, and those nearly always the same. One instance may be pointed
out. For some years a complete Index of the nine volumes of
Transacttofis has been ready for the press, and the labour of this we
owe to Mr. Nash. Circular after circular has been sent out with the
Proceedings, and still the number of subscribers required for the bare
cost of printing it has not been received. It is needless to point out the
advantages of having this Index, as it is evident.
Again, the valuable Library, so rich in periodical publications, which
I have gathered together, almost without any cost, required attention in
order to make it more useful, as well as to secure the preservation of the
books. A request for so small a sum as ^100 for this purpose was
circulated with the Proceedings more than once. The result has been
that 23 Members out of a total of about 500 have subscribed ^66. If
every Member able to help had contributed in the same manner, far
more than the sum asked for would easily have been obtained.
It is in the power of everyone to do something to help on the good
work we have been doing for so many years, if there is only the effort to
do it. Every well regulated Society consists of three kinds of members,
those who write papers, those who secure new members, and those who
pay ; with such a combination, all must go well.
A very apt expression was recently used by one to whom we owe our
allegiance and respect. When the vast bulk of the Members of this
Society "wake up," there will come a time of prosperity and peace.
I need hardly assure you that my interest in the Society remains
undiminished, and that it will always be a real pleasure to me to promote
its welfare in every way in my power.
Feb. ii] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOC-V. [1903.
The following Officers and Council for the current year
were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1903.
President.
PROF. A. M. SAYCE, LL.D., &c., S;c.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York
The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Salisbury.
The Most Hon. The Marquess of Northampton.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., i\:c.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsburv.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A.
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir.S.A.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
GENER.A.L Sir Francis Grenfell, K.C.B., Sec, &c.
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury).
General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G., kc, kc.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. M. Gaster.
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A.
Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I. E.,
F.R.S., &c.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Councih
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
Edward S. M. Perowne.
J. Pollard.
S. Arthur Strong.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S., &c.
Honorary Treasurer.
Bernard T, Bosanqurt.
Secretary.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence.
F. Legge.
Honorary Librarian.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. (/;v. tern.).
10
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., [an., 1903.
PLATE LI.
-^i
CQ
a,
nj
CU
M
□
ir^'
Chapters CXLV ant CXLVI. British Museum. Papyrus 9900,
I
g^Ll isyniii'
k
CU^
Chapter CXLIX. British Museum. Papyrus 9900.
Jan. 14] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By Prof. Edouard Naville, D.C.L.
{Co>itiiiiied from Vol. XXIV, p. 316.)
CHAPTER (Z'^\Ay.—conti7iiied.
The fourth domain, O this great and lofty mountain of the
Netherworld, on the highest point of which ends the sky. It is
three hundred measures in length, and ten in width. There is a
snake on it, he with sharp knives is his name, he is seventy cubits
in his windings, he lives by slaughtering the glorious ones and the
damned in the Netherworld.
I stand on thy wall, (4) directing my navigation. I see the way
towards thee. I gather myself together. I am the man who puts a
veil on thy head, and I am uninjured. I am the great magician;
thy eyes have been given me, and I am glorified through them.
Who is he who goeth on his belly? Thy strength is on thy
mountain ; behold, I march towards it, and thy strength is in my
hand. I am he who lifts the strength. I have come and I have
taken away the serpents (5) of Ra, when he rests with me at eventide.
I go round the sky, thou art in thy valley, as was ordered to
thee before.
The fifth domain. O this domain of the glorious ones, which is
open to no one. The glorious ones who are in it have thighs of
seven cubits, and they live on the shades of the motionless.
Open to me the ways, that I may appear before you, that I may
reach the good Amenta, as was ordered me by Osiris, the glorious
one, the lord of all the glorified.
I live of your glory, I observe the first day of the month, and
the half-month on the fifteenth day.
I have gone round with the eye of Horus in my power, following
Thoth.
Any god, or damned, who opens his devouring mouth against
me on this day, is struck down on the block.
II
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1903.
The sixth domain. O thou Aniemhet who art sacred more than
the hidden gods and the glorious ones, and who art dreadful to the
gods. The god in it is called Sechez-at. (6)
Hail to thee, Amemhet. I have come to see the gods within thee.
Show your faces, and take away your head-dresses in my
presence, I have come to make your bread.
Sechez-at will not be stronger than I ; the slaughterers will not
come behind me, the impure ones will not come behind me.
I live upon your offerings.
The seventh domain. O this Ase?, too remote to be seen ; the
heat of which is that of blazing fire. There is a serpent in it whose
name is Rerek. His backbone is seven cubits, he lives on glorious
ones, destroying their glory.
Get thee behind me, Rerek, who is in Ases, who bites with his
mouth ; and who paralyses with his eyes.
Thy teeth are torn away, thy venom is powerless.
Thou shalt not come towards me, thy venom will not penetrate
into me. Thy poison is fallen and thrown down, and thy lips are in
a hole.
The white serpent has struck his ha^ and his ka has struck the
white serpent. (7)
I shall be protected. His head was cut off by the lynx. (8)
The eighth domain. O this Hahotep, the very great, the stream
of which nobody takes the water for fear of its roaring.
The god whose name is the lofty one, keeps watch over it, in
order that nobody may come near it.
I (9) am the vulture which is on the stream without end. I
brought the things of the world to Tmu, at the time when the
sailors (of Ra) are abundantly provided.
I have given my strength to the lords of the shrines, and the awe
I inspire to the lord of all things.
I shall not be taken to the block. The pleasure they take in me
will not be destroyed. I am the guide on the northern horizon.
The ninth domain. (10) O this Akset which art hidden to the
gods, the name of which the glorious ones are afraid to know. No
one goes out who goes into it, except this venerable god, who
inspires fear to the gods and terror to the glorious ones. Its open-
12
Jan. 14] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
ing is of fire, its wind destroys the nostrils. He made it such (11)
for his followers in order that they may not breathe its wind, except
this venerable god who comes out of his egg.
He made it such, being in it, in order that nobody may come
near it, except Ra who is supreme in his attributes.
Hail to thee, venerable god, who comes out of his egg. I have
come to thee to be in thy following. I go out of, and I come into
Akset. Open to me the doors, that I may inhale its wind, and that
I may take the offerings within it.
The tenth domain. (12) O this city of the Kahu gods who take
hold of the glorious ones, and who gain mastery over the shades (13)
Wlio they see with their eyes ; who have no connection
with the earth.
O ye who are in your domain, throw yourselves on your bellies,
that I may pass near you. My glorious nature will not be taken
from me. No one will give mastery over my shade, for I am the
divine hawk who has been rubbed with anti and anointed with
incense ; libations have been offered to me ; Isis is before me ;
Nephthys is behind me.
The way has been pointed to me by Nau, the bull of Nut and
Nehebkau. I have come to you, ye gods ; deliver me and glorify
me of an eternal glory.
The eleventh domain. O this city in the Netherworld, this
cavity which masters the glorious ones.
No one goes out, of those who went into it, from the dread of
the appearance of him who is in it.
He who sees the god who is in it, face to face, he who sees him
dies there from his blows, except the gods who are there, and who
are hidden to the glorious ones.
0 this Atu, in the Netherworld. Grant that I may reach them ;
I am the great magician, with his knife ; I am issued of Set, (I stand
on) my feet for ever.
1 rise, and I am mighty through this eye of Horus ; my heart is
raised, after it has fallen low.
I am glorious in heaven, and I am mighty on earth.
I fly like Horus, I cackle like the divine goose.
It was given me to alight near the stream of the lake ; I stand
near it, I sit near it, I eat of the food in Sechit Hotepit, I go down
to the islands of the wandering stars.
13
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIDLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
The doors of the Maati are open to me ; and the gates of the
upper waters are unbolted to me.
I raise my ladder up to the sky to see the gods.
I am one of them, I speak like the divine goose, and I listen to
the gods.
I talk aloud, I repeat the words of Sothis.
The twelfth domain. O this domain of Unt, within Restau, the
heat of which is that of fire. No god goes down into it, and the
glorious ones do not gather into it, for the four snakes would destroy
their names. (14)
0 this domain of Unt ! I am the great among the glorious ones
within. I am among the wandering stars. I am not destroyed ;
my name is not destroyed.
Come, thou divine scent, say the gods who are in the domain of Unt.
1 am with you, I live with you, ye gods who are within the
domain of Unt.
You love me more than your gods. I am with you for ever, in
the presence of the followers of the great god.
{To be continued^
14
SOME UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON THE TEXT OF
THE BIBLE.
IV.
The Septuagint Text of the Book of Nehemiah.
Bv Sir Henrv H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., etc.
{Continued frOfil- Vol. XXIV, p. 340.)
Let US revert to the question of whether Ezra and Nehemiah
were contemporary or not. The first passage in which they are
distinctly made so is in Nehemiah viii, 9. There is something not
quite plain about this 9th verse of the 8th chapter of the Canonical
Nehemiah. In the Hebrew, followed by the Revised Version, we
read, "and Nehemiah, which was the Tirshatha, and Ezra the priest
the scrite, and the Levites, etc., said unto all the people." In the
Greek of Theodotion, however, we only read, " and Neemias and
Esdras the priest and scribe, and the Levites." This is not all, the
mention of Nehemiah in this place is very curious ; he is not
named at all in the preceding narrative, in which the companions of
Ezra are specially mentioned by name, and it seems to me that the
introduction of the name here was an interpolation. This seems
confirmed by the corresponding passages in Esdras A, where the
statement is quite confused, as if Origen, or whoever edited the book
in the Hexapla, had endeavoured to reconcile the introduction of
the personality of Nehemiah here by a clumsy artifice. In Esdras
A, ix, 49, we read, " Then spake Atharates unto Esdras, the Chief
Priest and Reader, and to the Levites, etc." Here it is Atharates who
is made to address Esdras and the Scribes, while in the other story
Neemias joins with Ezra and the Levites in addressing the people.
This divergence in the texts raises suspicions of alteration and
interpolation at this point. The reading of the Canonical book
seems inconsequent. It seems most unlikely that a kind of joint
address or sermon should have been delivered, not by Ezra the
Priest, but by Nehemiah the Governor in com.bination with Ezra
the Priest and with the Levites. There is something clearly wrong
here. The corresponding story as told in Esdras A, ix, 49, seems
equally inconsequent and corrupt. Atharates, who is not named in
IS
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [190:,.
the previous story, is said to have preached the sermon to Esdras
the Chief Priest and to the Levites. The important point to
remember, however, is that this latter text, which substantially
represents the Septuagint, gives no countenance to the reading of
Nehemiah in this passage at all. The name of such an important
personage is not likely to have been left out if it had been there
originally. The only other escape from this dilemma would be to
treat Atharates as a corruption of Tirshatha, and as therefore a
secondary reference to Nehemiah in this passage ; but for this I
know of no evidence whatever. Atharates is clearly used in Esdras
A, ix, 49, as a proper name, and not as a title or appellative.
As Hermann Guthe, in arguing in favour of Atharates being a
proper name, in his notes to Nehemiah, speaking of this passage, says,
" it is altogether improbable that the author of Esdras would have
omitted the proper name, and taken up the title." In this view I
completely concur, as I do in his further argument that, " since
historical considerations, for the sake of which he might have avoided
speaking of Nehemiah, are elsewhere quite foreign to his book, it
must be assumed that he had no other reading in his original than
that reproduced in his translation," Haupt's Sacred Books of the Old
Testament, Ez.-Neli., 50 and 51.
In considering the question of whether Ezra and Nehemiah
were contemporaries, therefore, we must put aside Nehemiah viii, 9
as a corrupt if not a quite irrelevant source. The next mention of the
two names together h in Nehemiah xii, 26, where the passage is
contained in a quite late and retrospective narrative, in which the
high priest Jaddua, who lived long after, is mentioned, and where
the passage in question merely refers back to the days of Joiakim
the son of Jeshua, the son of Jozadak, and the days of Nehemiah
the Governor and of Ezra the priest the scribe ; the order in which
the two last names occur shows that the passage is not a very
accurate and precise one ; apart from this there is in it no reference
to the two men having been contemporaries.
There really remains only one difficulty in the Bible text in
the way of an acceptance of the view of Josephus, that Ezra and
Nehemiah succeeded each other, and were not contemporaries,
namely, Nehemiah xii, 36, where Ezra the scribe is mentioned as
taking part in the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem. This is the
only shred of real unsophisticated evidence for the contempora-
neousness of the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah in the Bible.
16
Jan. m] unconventional VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1903.
I cannot help thinking that the mention of Ezra in this passage
is an interpolation or a corruption. It cannot be overlooked that it
is almost incredible that such a great man as Ezra was should have
been made to play such an insignificant part on this occasion, if he
had been really present at the ceremony. It will be further noted as
extraordinary that Ezra the scribe should be there mentioned not
with the priests, but with the priests' sons playing trumpets and
other musical instruments.
Secondly, it is curious that while Ezra the scribe is thus
mentioned in verse 37 among the priests' sons, another Ezra is
named in verse 34 among the priests. This led Rawlinson, a most
conservative critic, to conclude that the Ezra of verse 34 was an
interpolation which had come in from the margin, perhaps a gloss
on the preceding name Azariah. Bishop Ryle says very aptly in this
behalf, that "from a comparison of Nehemiah xii, i and 13 with x, 2,
we might suppose that Azariah and Ezra were the names of the
same priestly house" (see Cambridge Bible, 301, note to verse 33).
Again, in verses 35 and 36 we have mention of the priests'
sons with trumpets, where we read, "Zechariah and his brethren,
Shemaiah and Azarael, Milalai, Gilalai, Maai, Nethaneel, and
Judah ; Hanani with the musical instruments of David the man of
God, and Ezra the scribe was before them." This is in the Hebrew
text of the passage, but in the Greek text, which I have argued is
Theodotion's, Milalai, which is suspiciously like Gilalai, is omitted,
and it is exceedingly probable that the name is a redundancy. If
we omit it, we then have nine names, which does not answer
symmetrically to the corresponding eight priests in verse 42.
Whence Guthe further suggests that Ezra in the passage should not
be counted. (The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, p. 54.) I would
rather suggest that it goes to show that Ezra's is an interpolated
name, and this is supported by what has otherwise struck the critics,
that this part of chapter xii of Nehemiah is corrupt. The view
here maintained is supported by Kosters, who, in Cheyne's Bible
Dictionary, p. i486, says, "The redactor . . . inserted the name
of Ezra at least once, in a rather inappropriate place, in the account
of the building of the wall, Nehemiah xii, 36."
It would seem, therefore, that when analyzed the evidence in the
Bible in favour of Ezra and Nehemiah being contemporaries fades
away into shadow, and that it is exceedingly probable that in this
matter Josephus, who doubtless followed the Septuagint, was right.
17 B
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
Josephus has a second statement which has been supposed to
be at issue with the present Hebrew Bible text in Nehemiah :
speaking of Sanballat, he says "he was a Cuthean by birth, of which
stock were the Samaritans " {A/it., XI, vii), that is to say, he was a
native of Cutha in Babylon. The Hebrew Bible makes him an Arab.
He is thus called "the Horonite '' in Nehemiah ii, 10 and 19,
and xiii, 28 ; but in chapter iv, 2 he is said to have spoken
before his brethren and the army of Samaria, which points to his
having spoken not Arabic but Aramaic. The question is, was he an
Arab or an Aramaic-speaking Babylonian ?
Batten points out that while he is called a Horonite in the Book
of Nehemiah, his Jiaine was clearly not an Arabic one, but Baby-
lonian. Its correct form was Sin Muballat, which was corrupted
into Sin Uballat, and he was probably at the head of the Samaritan
community. This surely confirms the description of him given by
Josephus, and points to the Masoretic text having been altered for
polemical purposes, it having no doubt been thought indecent in
later times to give so much prestige to a Samaritan.
There is a third statement of Josephus in which he is at issue
with the Masoretic text of the Bible, in which he also seems to be
right, and probably preserves for us the Septuagint tradition.
According to the Hebrew Bible the walls of Jerusalem took only
fifty-two days to build. This seems quite incredible ; Josephus says
that two years and four months were spent in the work, and he is
very precise in his date, making Nehemiah arrive in the 25th year of
Xerxes (really Artaxerxes) and not the 20th, as in the Masoretic text
of the Bible, and complete the work in the ninth month of his 28th
year. This seems a much more reasonable story, and it seems to
me very probable that it represents the original narrative ; two years
and four months is a much more likely time to be occupied in such a
work than a little over seven weeks. Not only so, but the narrative in
the Masoretic text seems difficult in another way ; Nehemiah is made
to arrive in the 20th year of Artaxerxes, and then Nehemiah is made
to say that from the 20th year to the 32nd year, twelve years, he and
his brethren had not eaten the bread of the governor, chapter v,
verse 14. It is after this he tells us of the completion of the wall,
which would seem therefore not to have been completed until the
32nd year of the king, that is to say not until Nehemiah had been at
Jerusalem for twelve years. This again seems inconsistent with the
statement in chapter xiii, verse 6 of Nehemiah, where we are told
18
Jan. 14] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1903.
that he was away from Jerusalem all the time that Eliashib had
had connections with Tobiah and had appropriated a room for
him in the temple, and did not return there till the 32nd year
of Artaxerxes. In the one case he apparently speaks of a continuous
residence at Jerusalem for twelve years, from the 20th to the 32nd
of Artaxerxes, and in the second of his absence apparently for a
considerable time, and his return in the latter year.
The ordinary reading of the whole narrative seems to me, as
it has seemed to others, to involve an absurdity, namely, that
Nehemiah^ having built the walls in fifty-two days, did not have
them consecrated for twelve years after ; and it would seem prob-
able that here again Josephus has preserved the true Septuagint
tradition against the corruptions of the Masoretic text.
Let us however turn to the actual text of Nehemiah ; and first as
to the separate history of the book. In his preface to Ezra, Jerome
tells us that among the Jews Ezra and Nehemiah formed one
book ; and Eusebius, in his Churdi Hisfoty^ tells us that Origen,
in his exposition of the Psalms, gives a catalogue of the Bible books.
This he abstracts, and in this abstract we read, infer alia, that the
Hebrews accepted the books of Esdras i and 2 in one, i.e., Ezra :
¥jahf)u^ Trptino^ kxi cevrcfwv ej/ ii'l 'E^/j«.
In the Hebrew MSS. the two books are integrated into a
continuous narrative. Only one book of Ezra is known to the
writers of the Talmud. The Masorets, who added notes to each
book, enumerating the number of words it contains, put no such
notes at the end of Ezra, but put them at the end of what we call
Nehemiah. The Masoretic sections run right across the junction
of the two books, one of them comprising Ezra viii, 35 — Neh. ii, i,
while the book of Ezra is made to contain 685 verses, of which
Neh. iii, .32 is named as the middle one {see Batten, Bifi. Biblica, I,
821). There cannot be any doubt therefore that the separation
of the two books was quite a late matter among the Jews. The first
time the division occurs in a Hebrew text, so far as I know, is in the
Complutensian Polyglot, which follows the example of the Vulgate.
Like many changes in the Jewish Bible, it first definitely occurs in
Daniel Bomberg's edition, 15 16-15 17, printed at Venice, where at
the end of Ezra x, 44, there is inserted into the text the phrase
*' the Book of Nehemiah " (Ginsburg, Introduction, p. 934). It was
no doubt taken by Bomberg from the Christian Bible. The separa-
tion of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah therefore was the work of the
19 B 2
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILT.OLOGV. [1903.
Christians, and it is interesting to find out when it was made. It had
been so separated in Jerome's time, for in his Prolog. Gal. he says,
" Esdras qui et ipse apud Graecos et Latinos in duos Hbros divisus est."
Origen, in the passage above quoted, was apparently the first
to refer to such a division, and, as we have seen, he speaks of it as
being conscious of its being different from the Hebrew text in this
respect. It was probably Origen who in fact separated the books,
and they a])parently occurred as two books in the Hexaplar edition,
and are labelled Esdras i and 2 in the fragments of the Syro-Hexaplar
preserved in the Syr. Catena. [Bm. Syr. MSS., Wright's Cat. dccclii.]
Before the time of Origen they were apparently one book. Thus Melito
of Sardis (Eusebius, Hist. Ecc/., IV, 26) knows only one book of
Esdras. Hilary in his list has the peculiar entry, xi, "Sermones dierum
Esdra." In the Vatican MS. of the Greek Bible the text passes straight
on from Ezra x, 44, to Nehemiah i, i on the same line, and the same
marginal label, namely Esdras B, occurs continuously throughout
the two books. The old Latin version, which carries a very old
tradition, integrates the two books into one. It is plain therefore
that both in the Greek and Hebrew the two books w'ere once
continuous. The occurrence of the entries Esdras A and B in
many of the early lists, ex. gr., Athanasius, ep. fest. 39, Cyril of
Jerusalem, Catech. IV, 35, Epiphanius hser. I, i, 5, id de mens
et pond. 23 ; Amphilochius ad Seleuc. ap Gr. Naz., carm II, VII,
etc., etc., and the similar reference in Latin authors to two books
of Ezra as by Ruffinus, Augustine, Pseudo-Athanasius, Cassiodorus^
etc., refer to the two recensions of Ezra and not to Ezra and Nehe-
miah. The two canonical books are very properly integrated by
Lagarde in his edition, but why he labels them Esdras A I do not
understand. Swete also integrates them in his edition of the Greek
Old Testament, and quite properly calls the joint Book Esdras B,
reserving the title Esdras A for the true Septuagint text.
So much for the external form of the book of Nehemiah. Now
for its contents. These contents have been altered and edited.
This is universally admitted. For this conclusion I may cite the late
Lord Arthur Harvey, who was among the most orthodox of critics in
this country who have written on Ezra and Nehemiah. He says of
the book, ** the book is clearly and certainly not all by one hand.
Portions are either extracts from various chronicles and registers or
supplementary narratives and reflections, some apparently by Ezra,
others perhaps the work of the same person as inserted the latest
20
Jan. 14] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1903.
genealogical matter ; " and again he says, " it is certain that inter-
polations and additions have been made in Nehemiah since his
time." (Nehemiah in Smith's Diet, of the Bible.)
This opinion is shared by every one who has examined the
book in a greater or less degree. The interesting question is not to
decide that there have been dislocations, but to what extent they
exist, and how far they have affected the text. Until this has been
decided, it is no use treating of the historical value of the contents
of the work.
As so many people have applied themselves to the criticism of
the book, it would seem at first sight as if there were no room for
fresh theories on the subject.
The main points in which I claim to differ from previous critics
are first in attaching more weight and importance to the testimony of
Josephus than others have done ; secondly, in using Esdras A
as a touchstone of the original Septuagint text ; and thirdly, in
assigning the more important of these changes, not to the original
editor of the joint books who compiled them, but to the much later
editors of the original Masoretic Bible.
The conclusion that the canonical Ezra in its Greek form does
not, as has been so generally supposed, represent the Septuagint
text of the book, but almost certainly the translation of that book
by Theodotion, carries a great deal more with it. It seems
inevitably to follow, as I have previously urged, that the same con-
clusion must attach to the canonical Chronicles and Nehemiah,
which, like Ezra, follow the Masoretic text so closely and are like
it in style and language. The overlapping verses at the end of
Chronicles and beginning of Ezra form a touchstone in fact by
which this conclusion can be completely tested in so far as
Chronicles are concerned, for these verses are not only alike in
substance but are the same in language, showing that the text
of both Chronicles and Ezra was taken from a once perfectly
continuous Greek translation, which could be no other than
Theodotion's. It is hardly possible to doubt that the same is true
of the canonical Nehemiah ; the Greek text of the canonical
Nehemiah is clearly the same in substance with the Masoretic
Hebrew, of which it is a good translation, and to any one examining
it without preconceived notions it would not occur to refer to it as a
Septuagint text at all. It is the same in the order of the narrative,
in its contents, and in fact in every way we can test it. This is
21
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1903.
supported by another fact, namely by the absence of any hexaplaric
variants from the MSS. of the books except those which have
professedly been taken from the Septuagint itself. If Chronicles,
Ezra and Nehemiah, in the Greek codices, had been Septuagint texts,
there is no reason, as I long ago urged, why there should not
have been a catena of hexaplaric readings in their margins from
Theodotion, but if they were taken from Theodotion this is
explained. On the other hand, the fact of there being so
many hexaplaric readings from the Septuagint appended to these
books, shows that they do not represent a Septuagint text, but some
other, and this can hardly be any other than Theodotion's. The
evidence is all consistent, and as it seems to me perfectly conclusive.
This being so, I cannot avoid hoping that Dr. Swete, in the next
edition of his quite incomparable Manual Edition of the Greek Old
Testament, which is conspicuous by being labelled, " The Old
Testament in Greek according to the Sepfuagint,'" will remit all the
books just mentioned to an appendix, together with the canonical
Daniel, and print them together as being parts of Theodotion's
version, and having nothing whatever to do with the Septuagint,
and that the editors of the great Cambridge edition of the Septua-
gint will exclude all four books in the form in which they occur in
the Canon, from their edition, and give us instead the Chisian
Daniel, freed from its hexaplaric corruptions, and a scientific edition
of Esdras A, with any additional portions of the real Septuagint
Chronicles and Nehemiah they may be able to recover, either in
fragments or in some version.
This will prevent a good many wrong inferences, for it seems
to me that nothing can be more misleading and productive of
difficulties than the way in which the canonical Greek texts of
Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah in the great Greek codices have been
habitually quoted by German and other critics, including some of
the very latest, as if they represented some independent text like
the Septuagint, while they merely represent Theodotion's slightly
eclectic edition of the Masoretic text.
The transference of all these books from Theodotion's translation,
and the planting them among the Septuagin*^ translations of the
other books, was in all probability the handiwork of Origen, or of
his editors Eusebius and Pamphilus.
{To be continued.)
Jan. 14] LA RELIGION ASSYRO-BABYLONIENNE. [1903.
MATERIAUX POUR L'ETUDE DE LA RELIGION
ASSYRO-BABYLONIENNE.
By Alfred Boissier.
{Continued from Vol. XXIV, p. 233.)
Addenda aux remarques du § i. K 6012 -t- K 10684 nous donne
dans la colonne du milieu des indications sur certains jours du mois
les 15, 19, 20, 25 et 30 et continue par -^j ^^Ej yj >->|- qui cor-
respond dans la troisieme colonne a bi(-[bu-Ium'\,^ ^^ ^T'^IM ""W^?
■^y ^^y ^ty i^^, ^y ^y , ^y ^S^y . . . ; la troisieme colonne est dans
un etat defectueux ; la premiere enumere riesii, amtiim, astapiru,
kinaUituin, inn, panu, sikrir (^ ^III)) etc. ; c'est evidemment le
^ huhiihi.
" Sikru = A^ ^JZ^Ji^ est probablement un oigane, une partie du corps,
cf. K. 159 (S. A. Smith, Asstirb., H. Ill), 1. II, Sumina bamatu (SA . TI) eli
kiibSi HU . SI 7c iikni isidsa BAR : Si la batndtii sur le kitbsii s'eleve et que le
iikru sa base est partagee ; {Sikrit est feminin). D'apres IV R. 29, No. 3, batudtu
serait une partie de la ieie, puisque le con vient ensuite ; K. 3970 (public dans men
" Esquisse de la divination assyro-babylonienne ") nous dit ce qui doit arriver
"si une brebis met au monde un lion dont la banidtti droite ou gauche — ? — le
i..^>-< ?yy" ][^iy" (faut-il comprendre ainsi : dont la bamatu est couverte
de niiu?) ^ giy/ Ijwf ^^^ <y^Tgj .^^y ty -^y ^y -^y
-j^yy V <\v (-> ir«<) i^-< ^ i^n i^ ^-H w j^^t. etc.;
il s'agit done du ^^"^ nihi qui pent se trouver sur la bamattt. kiissi'i est II, i), de nD3,
dont la signification " couvrir " (Del. ) est uiise en doute par Jensen. Ce verbe n'a
rien a voir avec nV3 (I^el., H. IV., 349). Le sens ne m'est pas clair, et dans le
doute j'en suis revenu a celui propose par Delitzsch. Le J_i^»-< ^^ J^jy
qu'on constate sur les organes est mentionne dans un certain nombre de textes
relatifs a I'haruspicium. II est dit aussi " s'il y a du ^-^*-< £yY" J^jy sur /'«//«
de ce lion engendre par une brebis, telle chose arrivera.''
23
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
texte qu'a en vue Del, // ]J'., p. 153, s. aUapini ; cf. aussi III R. 56,
No. 4 ; ^\ ^Jg[ j^][ ^y[f^ tst le jour du ka-sap kispi, comme le
demontre K. 2578 + K. 4641 + K. 5229, dont voici un extrait en
attendant la publication des documents demonologiques annoncee
par Weissbach.
Col. it.
^ m-V^Vy iB]] --T -Hh -TT^^ ^ -T^ m -TH
2 V J^IT -m -TT4 ^::^rr ^T -TH 4->!!! 4
3 r '^irr :^ r? ^-rrr ^Tri<^ ^b r- -n
? ^ ^y? .iT^ -7— r- ^n s^r ^- -m- tt
4 t^m '7^^it]^Bh-'^]m <-Vi
<KTT -^ -^r r:? ^ If
M < -I? <HrT ^^ V ^ <igf ^rr -^i -^ i s^iir- n
5^y? <Kyy >^ v -^h s^ny <iiy ^y 7- -^y ^^^ i ^]^- yy
7- iLi^i^y ^:^ y; ^<iii? y? ^^ it y? ^^ee y— ni^iy < -y?
<Kyy ^ V -^y -B y- -y? -^y -t i-w yy
8. iLs^iiiEy ^:^ >^ <y-iin t^yy >^ it Vr ^B y- -n
IeH < 5^y? < vH >^ V {? x^yy? ^y y- -^y 5^^ i^^yyy- yy
etc.
Remarques 1. i,-yiX^ ^ -fftl^ ^^f = «^'^n, Del., //. /F., p. 279;
-yy^ m -yy^ m -yy<y E?yy. //^/^w-,.-./;^^ i. 5, <]^ .r? j^yyy-^
= ka-sap ki-is-pi; il s'en suit que kisikhi designe un rite funeraire,
un culte quelconque rendu aux manes et non una habitation,
comme I'a propose Delitzsch, H. Jl'., p. 343 ; les passages suivants
s'opposent a cette interpretation; c/. IV, K. 60, 1. 31, B, /ei'spa ana
ekiuuni IM . RI . A liksip : qu'il fasse le rite funeraire a fekimmu de
riM . RI . A, et (/. IV, R. 53, recueil de litanies psalmodiees dans
le temple d'Ezida construit a Ninive, peut-etre sur le mcme modele
que celui de Eorsippa et consacre a Nebo, Col. I, 32 : (dieu) qui
•' Ce verbe est freciuemnient employe dans les presages.
24
Jan. 14] LA RELIGION ASSVRO-BABYLONIENNE. [1903.
accepte ? la libation funeraire = BUR-ii KI.SIG.GA (= /;is/>a)
NA'. A {= Inihhiila). IV, R. 53, Col. II, 21. Nebo est le dieu qui
fait vivre les morts {muhallit miti, IV, R. 53, Col. IV, 35), et
€11 cette qualite 11 preside en quelque sorte aux rites funeraires.
Un document tres important pour les honneurs a rendre a Vekiiiimu
est Sm. 1042, que je communiquerai prochainement. II est
specieux de regarder Dumuzi ziiah comme etant Nebo, puis qu'il
est appele (Gudea, B, Col. IX, 2; cf. K. B. Ill, p. 47, et Ur-Bau,
Col. II, 3), seigneur de Kinunir, qui n'est autre que Kinnir ^=^
Borsippa, IV, R. 40, 15:6 seigneur* ta demeure est Babylone, ta
couronne est Borsippa ; pour Diiiuuzi zuab voir en dernier lieu
Jensen, Epen, p. 560. Les rites de Borsippa et de Ninive sous le
patronage de Nebo ne sont pas connus ; le kalfr' (''^™^' ^y ]^)
officiait dans ces ceremonies, dont I'organisation etait indiquee dans
des tablettes, au sujet desquelles il e.st dit, IV, R. 53, Col. IV, 31
\ina ma'^dutum''' ul amru ina libbi la ruddu^ c.-a.-d. auxquelles
il n'y a pas a ajouter quoique ce soit ni a en sonder le grand
nombre.
Le plus pieux hommage qu'on puisse rendre aux morts, c'est de
leur accorder une sepulture, un tumulus, et telle serait la signification
primitive de KI . SIG . GA qui dans la suite a pris une acception
nouvelle, celle de repas, mets funeraires, et aussi les mets offerts aux
dieux. Le psaume de penitence IV R. 19 (voir les additions)
addresse' a Istar d'Erech, laisse entrevoir que kisikkii se rapporte au
culte des morts, puisque Erech etait la necropole p. exc. de la
Babylonie ; kisikkuki elluti^l&s, mets (tes offrandes) funeraires purs.
Un jour de I'annee etait en Babylonie 1'?/;;/ kispi, oli Ton celebrait un
culte en I'honneur des morts ; il fallait a tout prix se concilier les
manes et nous re savons s'il y avait plusieurs jours dans I'annee ou
Ton procedait au kispu.
I soit {rekiiiijiui) qui du ? a ete prive?^ qu'il soit?
■> C'est Alarduk.
^ Ce personnage fonctionne dans les fetes d'inauguration d'edifices, de canaux
(Sanchcr. Bavian, 1. 27), et aussi dans les services fiinebres (Gudea, B, Col. V, 1. 3).
" II est peut-etre plus exact de relier iiia iiia'diitiiin id aiiiric a ce qui precede,
c.-a.-d. a sa ina qatc Sitxu.
'' h^^ /H = ""Tf^ >W (^^Tf ^f) ^^^"^ i^llusion ici probablement au
genre de niort de I'individu ; la lacune du commencement s'oppose a ce que ron
traduise autrement ; le sens d'arracher, enlever, n'a rien d'impossible, mais celui
d'empoisonner, souiller, corronipre ne me parail pas non plus a rejeter de but
en blanc.
25
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905.
2 soit {Xekimmit) (de celui) qui dans un vaisseau
a enfonce dans les eaux, qu'il soit ?
3. soit Yekimmu de celui qui n'a pas ete enterre,^ qu'il soit ?
4. soit Vekimiiiu, qui n'a pas eu quelqu'un, qui en prenne soin,
qu'il soit ?
5. soit Yekimmu, qui n'a pas eu le repas funeraire,^ qu'il soit ?
6. soit Yekimmu, qui n'a pas eu la libation funeraire, qu'il soit?
7. soit Yekimmu, qui n'a pas eu la commemoration de son nom,
qu'il soit ?
Dans le memoire precedent {P.S.B.A., June, 1902, p. 226) il
faut lire a la note 16, " Ningizzida est un dieu (non pas una deesse)
de la vegetation," etc. ; ce meme memoire se terminait par un docu-
ment dont chaque ligne a elle seule demanderait un commentaire
etendu ; ce commentaire a sa place toute martjuee dans le volume si
Eouvent annonce et que j'ai prepare sur la divination ; les lamentables
retards de cette publication sont dus au sujet, cjui est tres vaste, et a
I'ennui colossal qui emane de cette litterature abrutissante ; j'ai
neanmoins a cceur de tenir ma promesse et cela me permettra,
d'inserer un choix tres varie de documents, dont le merite d'etre
inedits,^*^ pardonnera peut-etre les nombreuses lacunes qui accom-
pagneront forcement cet ouvrage.
L. I, lisez KA . BI . ES^^ {kabasu) d'apres des textes semblables,
et traduisez jusqu'a nouvel ordre : " Si un na est ecrase (foule)."
L. 15. traduisez "Si les sddan sont arraches," d'apres d'autres
textes les sadafi sont plus ou moins nombreux, en sorte qu'il convient
de choisir le pluriel et au point de vue grammatical cela est plus
correct. Sadan (SA.NIGIN) est peut-etre I'intestin ; Kiichler et
Jensen traduisent par Eingeweide. La lecture DAN que j'ai pro-
pose'e pour NIGIN n'est cependant pas sure. On pent traduire 1. 8,
I'ennemi verra alors les derrieres de mon armee, et kutal HAR serait
la partie posterieure du foie ; les passages cites par Jensen, Epen,
" Remarquons qu'il s'agit d'inhumation et non d'incineration.
^ Y-a-t-il un rapport entre kisikkii et !e nom de la ville de Kisik 1»'', II R. 53,
12a?
'" Ces textes inedits comprendront I'original, la transcription et la traduction.
'1 On a dans un texte Kl.BI.IS (^JEJ ^ XX\) Scpi ameii, c.-a.-d.
trace (/dbstt) du pied de riiomme ; ailleurs on trouve encore KA . BI . E5
(»-CJ^ ^I^ \\\)* Dans cette catejorie de documents les signes ont souveni
des valeurs peu usitees ailleurs ; c'est ainsi que j'ai note quelque part la valeur ih
pour le signe Jl^^tf.
26
Jan. 14] LA RELIGION ASSYRO-BABYLONIENNE. [1903.
p. 464, militent en faveur de son explication ; cependant rien n'est
plus dangereux que de vouloir donner des significations precises a des
termes encore mal definis sans les appuyer sur de nombreux ex-
amples; pour kiitallu le sens de "cote " est aussi possible que celui
de "derriere," et principalement dans les passages invoque's par
Jensen. D'autant plus que "marcher a cote" est une expression
commune en Assyrie pour dire, appuyer, secourir. Dans II R. 48, 50,.
avons nous une preuve rigoureuse que hdallum = partie posterieure ?
II est a supposer que TgJ = kutallu, s'il en est ainsi, comme je le
crois, M. Jensen a vu juste. Mais ces reserves ne diminuent en
rien la valeur incontestable du commentaire de Jensen, valeur qui
serait doublee s'il y avait un index. L'on pourrait multiplier con-
siderablement les examples destines a corroborer les explications
souvent nouvelles nu'il a proposees et devant me restreindre je
me bornerai a en choisir au hasard un ou deux. L'explication la
plus naturelle de miinunu = matrice, moule, lieu ou s'elabore la
matiere, se trouve dans K. 4172 public par Meissner {Siipple7n.,
p. 7), 1. 5, ou Ton a : Jrf '^]'\] >^ ^]]] •"TT-<^ dont on comprend
a premiere vue le groupement des termes : I'instrument (I'organe)
dans I'interieur duquel tourne la matiere, le lieu ou elle s'elabore.
Suit ammatiim egalement analyse par Jensen (p. 302, Epen). Beiuiu
(Jensen, loc. cit., p. 389 et p. 569) se trouve egalement dans II R.
28, 65 g, oil on a miqtum (2 fois) et be\-en-nu\ laquelle restitution
est a deduire de K 2859 (serie des demons), oil' ^^^^ '"14^
*-\^ >~^y correspond a be-e/i-iiu : Je donne ici le passage de la
langue non semitique :
-](?) j:^:?^ -h^ -il -^t <i^^ ehit ^" tt]]
be-en-nu mi-iq-tu sa ana ma-a-ti
la i-nu-uh-hu da-um-ma-tu(tam) i-sak-ka-nu
c.-a.-d., "le bennu (maladie du genre de la fievre, d'apres Jensen)
I'abattement qui dans le pays, n'a aucune cesse, occasionne I'as-
sombrissement." II s'agit du demon, qui produit la maladie ;
dautmnahi = ■^y ^ ^^J jifyf • Voici quelques eclaircissements
sur sapulii {sabiihi), cf. Jensen, p. 510 ;i~ tout d'abord je ferai
remarquer qu'on a dote le scorpion de membres qu'il ne possede
'^ II s'agit d'un iapiilu autre que celui mentionne II R. 30, No. 5, 66 (Jensen,
loc. cit., p. 509).
27
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1903.
pas ct que dans It- texte, que j'ai public dans mes documents,
Rm. 2, 149 (p. 31), sont indiques les presages d'apres les piqures
de cet animal ; ce sont done les parties du corps de Thomme en
souffrance dont traite I'omen et 11 ne s'agit en aucune maniere de
celles du scorpion (contra Meissner, Jensen). On s'en rendra
compte en lisant ma traduction ; sapiilu {sabulu) n'est autre qiie
sipulti, dont il est fait mention dans deux omina.
K. 2063 —
Si du piiidu sur la tete d'un homme se trouve, il verra le mystere.
Summapindu (pi-in-du-ii) ina qaqqadi ameli sakin nisirta im[mar].
D'apres K. 4059, ce pindii peut etre de couleurs diverses,
rouge {diiimi), noir, blanc, vert, brun ("f^ffff), tigre ou bigarre
{burruinn), et tout le corps de Thomme peut en etre impregne.
Pindu a une signification analogue a viali'i, qui parait egalement
dans K. 2063 :
Summa qaqqad ameli malu, ilappin (i-lap-pi-[in]).
Si la tete d'un homme est ou a du mahi, il s'affaissera. Suivent
les cas oil le malu se trouve sur la tete a droite ou a gauche, sur le
nakaptu a droite, le ?iakaptii a gauche, enfin on lit :
r - "iL <r- it'B V, etc.
■ce qui doit naturellement se transcrire ainsi — ■
Summa ina sipu-lim-su imni sakin
Summa ina sipu-lim-5u sumeli sakin
a cause de K. 4059 qui donne :
Km. 98, qui egalement indique les presages qui se rapportent
aux piqures des scorpions ainsi que les ceremonies a faire pour que
les dieux guerissent ceux qui en sont atteints dit aussi :
T -Hrr ^- - bl <h I "¥ Tr«<
De I'examen de ces passages Ton conclut que snpu-u/ {saf/ul) =
sipulu (silmlii) = sapiilii^ et cjue ce dernier est le mot assyrien qui
'•' J';ii rcstitue ainsi ; VTT ^' Tn^^ ^"^"^ '^^ termes iiiathciiiatiques qui
designent la droite ot la gauclie, ^J^^ et *^^^^ les termes auatoiniques.
Jan. 14] LA RELIGION ASSYRO-BABYLONIENNE. [1903.
designe un des organes, une des parties du corps de rhomme. (QC
principalement DA, p^ 256, 11. 17, iS, 19, 20, 22.) Un sapiilu
{sahulii) qui me parait etre le meme, est mentionne dans 82, 9-18,
4156, public par Meissner, Supplcm., p. 29, et si j'ai bien compris
ce texte, il s'agit d'un certain nombre de termes se rapportant a
diverses malpropretes.
8. ubbi^^ = vialu = salete, impurete (Jensen, loc. cit., p. 401).
9. uhbukii = evacuer.
10. abalu = evacuer.
11. safiu/ie = evacuation, urine, excrement?, organe excreteur.
12. hissahu = besoin (ici, dans Tordre physique).
13. hahhii = crachat.
14. sienu = puant, ce qui sent mauvais.
Si Ton considere en outre que sapiilu semble venir de 7i^t27
(Del, H. JF., p. 680), dont le sens est " etre en bas " tout porta
a penser que sapidu designe une des parties basses du corps, celles
que Ton cache, et je ne m'etonnerais pas si I'exactitude de la
restitution de Briinnow, No. 3455, "J^yy "^^ ^^^ = birit puridi'^''*
ne devait se verifier un jour.
" Del., H.W., p. 7.
'^ Pour ce mot cf. Jensen, £peu, p. 508 ; si-pu-id ne serait done autre que
Sipzihi (sapiilu). C'est ce mot sans doute qui se rencontre egalement dans les
documents publics par Kiichler dont la traduction par "trocken " me parait bien
problematique. (B.K.A.M. , p. 8, I. 35.) Cf. aussi K. 4325, public par
Thompson. ?-pu-lu = bi-rit pu-ri-di.
{To be continued.)
29
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
INSCRIPTIOx\S RELATING TO THE JEWISH WAR
OF VESPASIAN AND TITUS.
Bv Joseph Offord, Me7nber Japan Society.
{Conlinned from Vol. XXIV, p. 328.)
C Valerio C f Stel. Clementi Ilvir. quinquennali flamini divi
Aug. perpetuo, patrono coloniae decuriones alae Gaetulorum
quibus praefuit bello ludaico sub divo Vespasiano Aug patre
honoris causa. Hie ob dedicationem statuarum equestris et
pedestris oleum plebei utrique sexvi dedit.'^
There is an inscription found at Carthage ^^ which has given rise
to much discussion as to whose name should be appended to it, and
upon a decision as to this depends whether it confirms the presence
in the Jewish War of Titus of the V Macedonica or the XV Apol-
linaris legion.
The text, as amplified by Mommsen and others, runs thus :
hie in ovixnibus hotiorilnis caudidatus Caesarum
fuit. Hunc Imp T Caesar divi f Vespasianus Aug triumpha-
turus de ludaeis donavit donis coronis \'m\x'^\\hus II coronis
vallaribus II coxoxi\% aur^w //, hastis puris tolidemque vexiUis.
This was at first ascribed to Sex Vettulenus Cerialis, who
Josephus says was Legate of the V Macedonica. 1*' Leon Renier
confounded him with C Vettulenus Civica Cerealis, probably his
son, who while proconsul of Asia was executed under Domitian, but
Rohden^'^ has cleared up the question.
The inscription is now thought by Dessau to apply not to
Cerealis but to M. Tittius Frugi, who is mentioned by Josephus in
Book VI of his /e7e.'is/i War as commander of the 15th Legion.^''
'■• Cor. Ins. Lat., V, 7007.
" Cor. Ins. Lat., VIII, 12536.
18 Bel. lud., VI, 4. 3 ; see also VII, 6. i.
'' De Palestina et Arabia Provinciis Roiitanis, 1885, p. y].
'" M. Leon Renier considered that Titus Frugi was not Legate of the
XV Legion ; see his Memoir in the Mtnioires de P Institiit de France Acad,
des Ins., Vol. XXVI, 1867, p. 269-371, " Les Officiers qui assistant au conseil
de guerre tenu par Titus avant de livrer I'assaut du Jerusalem."
30
Jan-. 14] JEWISH WAR OF VESPASIAN AND TITUS. [1903.
Another personage of importance in the War was Lucilius Bassus,
■who took the citadel of Macherus ; he was at one time prefect of
both the Ravenna and Misenum fleets, and we have two diplomas
which mention him, the first as of the Misenum, and the second of
the Ravennate, fleet.^'''
L. Laberius Maximus, the Procurator who served with Bassus in
Judea, is recorded in a diploma of a.d. 83, and in the Acts of the
Fratres Arvales.-"
Another officer of the Roman army frequently mentioned by
Josephus was Tiberius Julius Alexander. He had been Procurator
of Judea, subsequently prefect of Egypt,-^ and was in Judea again in
the time of Titus.
This text refers to him, and connects him with Judea :
\_'ApaCcioi''J I'j^ovX^ij Kul o ctjuos,-^ ii'iov ^eKoui'^jCoi'^
\_e7rapj)(ov OTreipri^ \^Q'\fja\^KWi^, Trp^wrtj^, eTrap^^ov wv,
'avTeTriTpo^jroi' T</3e/j<oJy 'lowX/ov '^K\e^\jn>cpov eVJo'/j^Yoi' [[tJow
'\ovcat\_KOu arpuTou 'eTreTJpoTroi' 2i'/>[/«>i-, tTrap-^ov t'l' A^^yTrJxw
\e''/ewuo^ ^[//i-ocrT/y? cevTepa^.~^
L. Flavins Silva, the conqueror of Masada according to Josephus,
is mentioned upon inscriptions ; once in the list of the Fratres
Arvales, and again in a text of the Collegium Aerari Saturni.-^ It was
stated that Valerius Clemens appears to have only been in Galilee
during the first year of the war, and we now have a number of texts,
all found at Gerasa (or Gerash), which probably are connected only
with the earlier annals of the campaign."^
Gerasa had been the scene of a massacre of Syrians by the Jews,
and the latter probably remained proprietors of the city. It was too
valuable a town for Vespasian to permit the Jews to possess it, and
he sent a force under L. Annius, who sacked the place.'-^
'^ Cor. Ins. Lai., Ill, pp. 1959 and 850
"" Ephemeris Epigraphica, V, 602 ; Cor. Ins. Lat., VI, 2059 ; and Cor. Ins.
Lat., Ill, 1962.
■' De Ricci, Proceedings Society of Biblical Arcluvology, 1901, p. 60.
"^ Cor. Ins. Graec., 4536 and 4957 ; see also Bull. Cor. Hell., 1895,524. C.I.L.,
VI, 294, Bell./ud., V, 1-6, etc.
-' Cor. Ins. Lat., VI, 2059, and ditto, 1495, and ditto VI, 10243. See Dio
Cassius, LXVI, 26.
-■* La guerre de Judee et ses consequences pour Gerasa. Perdnzet, Rev.
Biblique, 1900, 432.
'' See text of III Cyrenaica from Gerasa in note 9.
31
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. L1903.
Among the soldiers' epitaphs found there, is one of a certain T. F.
Fl. Cersilochus, who had presented to him by one of the three Flavian
emperors the donatus civitate viritum, carrying with it the right of
citizenship and entry to the Quirina tribe, which was that of Vespasian ;
and on his entry doubtless Cersilochus took the name of Flavius.
Cersilochus, a Syrian, would naturally be animated with hatred of
the Jews for their cruelty to his compatriots, and we are justified in
concluding he earned his honours in the Jewish war, probably being
an inhabitant of (ierash who escaped the massacre, for his name
appears in a second Gerasa inscription, a dedication to Artemis.
His military memorial reads, with expansions :
TtTou 'l>\aot<ioi> ^l>\(ixx^'' 'I'^^^XX**^' '^'^o'' X"' Y'^/eii'oi' ['Ki'J/j/j'oJ
Of the other texts from Gerasa one of them is certainly of a soldier
in the Ala I Thracum Augusta, and the other almost certainly of a
comrade in the same squadron, which evidently took part in
Vespasian's attack on the city :
"Jul . . . Val . . . Tenes optio Ala I Thracum Augustae."^''
The second is of Flavius Macer, and omits his corps :
('YVtyj T/y9 . . . . ) Sc/if(ffT(a'/') aw7t]f)i'a^ <l>\aovioi' M«Ke/)( t)oi^
The following text was found at lader in Dalmatia :
Q. Raeceo Q. f. CI Rufo, p. p Leg XII Fulm(inata) trecenario
donis don ab Imp(erator) Vespasian et Tito Imp(erator)
bell(o) lud(aico), ab Imp. Trai bell(o) Dacic(o), princ(ipi)
praet(orii), Trebia M. f. Procul, Marito t. p. i.-'-*
In addition to these epigraphical texts, a passing reference may
be made to the inscriptions upon the coins of Vespasian and Titus,
such as ^' \ovcaiu9 e(i\wKvia^," " Judaca devicta" and "Judaea Capta."
There also are Greek coins with lC)\AAIAi: EAAQK\IA2, and
money was struck to commemorate the destruction of the Jewish
pirates at Joppa, with the legend ivdaea navalis, and for the naval
victory on the sea of Gennesareth, victoria navalis.""
'•' M. Perdrizet reads T *A. *Aaxx(<'»') ♦Aaxx"" i"''" Kv{piva) KepalKoxov.
'■'' G. Durand, A'ev. Bibliqiie, 1899, 9,
^ Revue Biblitjue, 1900, p. 434.
■''* Cor. Ills. J.aL, III, 2917.
^" Bel.Jiid., Ill, IX, 2 ; X, 9. Cohen, Mommies Iniperiaks, I, 365.
32
Jan. 14] JEWISH WAR OF VESPASIAN AND TITUS. [1903.
There is one very curious text confirmatory of the statement of
Josephus and Suetonius, that Vespasian compelled the conquered
Jews to pay the annual two drachmas they had hitherto offered for
the expense of the services of their temple, to the support of the
shrine of the Capitoline Jupiter. The next memorial shows that it's
subject, one Euschemon, was a collector of this payment in the
time of some Flavian Emperor :
T. Flavio Aug. lib Euschemoni qui fuit ab epistulis item
procurator ad capitularia ludaeorum. Fecit Flavia Aphrodisia
patrono et coniugi bene merenti.^i
Tiberius Julius Lupus, spoken of by Josephus {B.I., VII, 10), has
an inscription in Egypt, of which he was Prefect (see De Ricci,
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1900, 378. Josephus in Book VII, 4, 2,
refers to Q Petillius Cerealis Caesius Rufus. In a.d. 74 he was consul
with Eprius Marcellus, as shown by a military diploma found at
Sikator in Pannonia, the closing lines of which document read :
Q PETILLIO CERIALE CAESIO RVFO II, T. CLODIO EPRIO
MARCELLO II COS.^~
In 1902 a seal was found at the ruins of el Qa'adeh, near the
road leading down the Mount of Olives, which probably reads
"(centurionis) .'F^mi(lii) Lici(n)iani M(arcus) Antoninus . . .
Vale . . ."^-^ This signet Pere Vincent thinks was used to stamp
the bread for a century, and so mentions the officers concerned in
the superintendence of the rations. If so, it is another memorial of
the legionaries at the siege, probably of the X Fretensis, which, in
Josephus V, 2, 3, 4, and 5, is specially connected with the Mount
of Olives.
=" Cor. Ins. Lat., VI, 8604.
•■'^ Cor. Ins. Lat., Ill, p. 852; see Borghesi, IV 351, etc.
•*•* Pere Cre, who discovered the seal, suggests instead of /Emi(lii) Lici(n)iani,
" ^^mili Elhiakim," indicating Jewish auxiliaries with the legion. The reading
of the inscription is difficult. Revue Bibliqiic, 1902, 431, etc.
Z2>
Jan. 14] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1.^03.
A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS.
By Stanley A. Cook, M.A.
"The Received, or, as it is commonly called, the Massoretic
Text of the Old Testament Scriptures has come down to us in
manuscripts which are of no very great antiquity, and which all
belong to the same family or recension. That other recensions
were at one time in existence is probable from the variations in
the Ancient Versions, the oldest of which, namely the Greek or
Septuagint, was made, at least in part, some two centuries before the
Christian era.''^ These words, from the Preface to the Revised
Version of the Old Testament, give expression to the generally
accepted view of all Biblical scholars, and the theory, based as it is
upon a series of incontrovertible facts, at last seems to be completely
justified by the unexpected discovery of a small fragment of one
of these pre-Massoretic texts referred to. The welcome evidence in
question appears in the shape of some pieces of papyrus which were
acquired in Egypt,- and are now in the possession of Mr. W. L.
Nash, F.S.A., to whose kindness I am indebted for the opportunity
of making a more or less complete study of them.
Hebrew papyri are exceedingly rare, and, until Steinschneider in
1879 published a few fragments from the collection of papyri in the
Berlin Museum, none were known to exist. ^ These, according to
' The earliest dated MS. is the St. Petersburg codex with the superlinear
points (a.d. 916), the British Museum Or. 4445, though undated, is judged
to be somewhat older — "probably written about A.D. 820-850" (Ginsburg,
Introd. Hell. Bible, 469). Yor other ancient MSS. see Gaster, Proceedings, XXll
(1900), p. 230, Strack, Hastings' DB, IV, p. 728.
- The Greek fragments edited by Mr. F. C. Burkitt in the Pivcecdings,
Vol. XXIV, p. 290, were obtained at the same lime.
' Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, XVII, pp. 93, e( seq. (1S79), cf.
Tafel vii ; Chwolson, Corpus Inscr. Hebr., cols. 1 19-125 (St. Petersburg, 1S82) ;
Erman and Krebs, Aus den Papyr. d. Konigl. Mus., p. 290, and Tafel xxiii
(Berlin, 1899).
34
Jan. 14] A PRE-MACSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
Chwolson, may belong to the Vllth-VIIIth centuries. An Aramaic
poem and a few other small fragments (among them one of the
oldest specimens of Arabic in Hebrew letters), dating from the
IXth century, were found in the collection of the Archduke Rainer,^
and to the same period Dr. Schechter has ascribed a mutilated
liturgical papyrus-codex now in the possession of the Cambridge
University Library. A few fragments preserved at the Bodleian
Library, Oxford, complete the total of known Hebrew papyri,
although it is of course not unlikely that other specimens exist
elsewhere unedited, perhaps even unnoticed.- Interesting though
the above-mentioned papyri are for one reason or another, they are
eclipsed in point of age, palaeography, and contents, by the one
which forms the subject of the present paper,
The newly-discovered papyrus is in four pieces, the largest of
which measures 3^ in. x i| in. It is perfect at the head, but mutilated
at the foot and at both edges. The three remaining fragments
are not independent, and the re-arrangement as shown in Plate I
will, I think, sufficiently explain itself; it gives us, as the greatest
measurement, 5 in. x 2^ in. It being found impossible to take a
photograph which would reproduce the written characters with
sufficient legibility, Mr. F. C. Burkitt was kind enough to facsimile
them. It must therefore be understood that the Plate is a re-
production of a photograph of the papyrus upon which the writing
has been copied from the original with pen and ink. Mr. Burkitt's
well-known palseographical skill guarantees the accuracy of the
transcription, and in expressing my indebtedness to him I cannot
help realising that had it not been for his assistance, the present
article, without any adequate representation of the handwriting of
the papyrus, would have suffered greatly.
It contains twenty-four lines of Hebrew, with probable traces
of a twenty-fifth. Vowel-points, accents, and diacritical marks of
any description are wanting; there are no signs to indicate verse-
division, but the words are separated from one another by a space,
and the final letters are regularly employed. The spacing, however,
is irregular, and the words are sometimes run together ; contrast
lines 4 and 12, and note p ~'^ (1. 15) written as one word. The
' Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung d. Erzherz. Rainei-, i, pp. 38-44 (1886).
^ Chwolson {op. cil., col. 121, n. i) has an interesting allusion to some
unknown Hebrew papyrus then (1882) in the possession of an Englishman.
35 c 2
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1903.
papyrus is of a dark brown colour and is written only upon one
side. It was, perhaps, originally a roll, and not a codex in book-
form. On the palnsography, see below, pp. 48 sgq.
On Plate II. will be found the text of the papyrus fully restored.
Characters within brackets have been lost owing to the partial or
total mutilation of the papyrus ; those surmounted by a dot are
either doubtful or almost illegible, or, when at the end or beginning of
a mutilated portion, are partially wanting. The precise arrangement
of the restored words is of course open to correction. It will be
noticed that the nineteen lines of the largest fragment are of fairly
uniform breadth, and contain from 19-23 letters (average 20*85),
whilst at the most 223 are required to complete them (average 117). ^
From the small fragment which has fortunately preserved a portion
of the right-hand margin (11. 15-19), it is seen that six or seven
letters have to be restored at the commencement of each line. We
find here, also, that each line begins with a fresh word (11. 15, 19,
are no doubt certain), and it is actually possible to make nearly
all the remaining lines begin with an undivided word, without
going very far above or below the average number of letters
required. The lines, it is true, end somewhat irregularly, but this is
not unusual in early writings ; only the length of line i and the
commencement of line 5 are real stumbling-blocks (see the notes,
p. 37 S(].).
The fragment distinguishes itself pre-eminently from all known
papyri by reason of its contents. It contains the Decalogue and
the Shema', but with remarkable divergences from the Massoretic
Text ; indeed, not only may it be asserted that no one MS. is
known to contain so many variants in so short a space, but the
majority of them are absolutely unique, and are to be found neither
in the collations of a Kennicott or a De Rossi, nor in traditional
notices of long-'ost manuscripts.
In the notes that follow, some attenlion has been paid to the
versions, although the collations do not clami to be complete. It
is hoped, however, that they are sufficient to give the reader a clear
idea of the relative value of the text. As regards the Decalogue, the
text of Exodus (>:x, 2-17), and not Deuteronomy (v, 6-21), is pre-
' The average number of letters on a line is therefore 32-3. For recent
theories on this point, see L. Blau, Studien z. althebr. Biuhioeseu, pp. 128 sqq.
(Slrassburg, i. E., 1902.)
36
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
supposed throughout, unless stated to the contrary, but I leave the
question open for the present as to which of the two recensions the
papyrus really represents.^
Line i.- Twenty-two letters are wanting between the end of
line I and the commencement of line 2. This is considerably above
the average number, and it is conceivable that the words H^^Q
Q^"Hi^ were omitted in the text. That these words are a later
addition (from Deuteronomy) to the Exodus recension of the
Decalogue is the view of such Old Testament critics as Wellhausen,
Holzinger, and Baentsch. Aphraates (ed. Parisot, Horn, ii, col. 62),
in a quotation, passes immediately from "land of Egypt" (Ex. xx, 2)
to " thou shalt not make," etc. ii). 4), but this can scarcely be taken
as conclusive evidence in support of the omission.^
Line 2. "i^LiD 7]i^.^ The restoration, "be[for]e me" {cf.
Trpo TrpoaicTTov /.lov, t^^ m Deut.), is probable, and it is therefore
unnecessary to conjecture a different reading {e.g., i"lt3J^) on the
strength of 6's ttX^v c/hou (BAFL, and AFL in Deut., cf. practer
me, absque vie [Sabatier], "^^^ 1^ [Targ., and similarly Pesh.]^.
' The following authorities have been consulted : For the Hebrew Massoretic
Text (M.T.), the collations of Kennicott and De Rossi. The Septuagint ((S),
Swete, the Lucianic recension (L, ed. Lagarde), and the collations of Holmes
and Parsons. ((S by itself designates the readings in Swete and the Lucianic
recension.) The Old Latin, Sabatier and the Lyons Pentateuch (ed. Ul. Robert).
The Samaritan Pentateuch, Walton, Blayney, and Kennicott's collations. The
Samaritan Targum, Petermann. The Syriac-Hexaplar, Brit. Mus. Add. 12134
(ed. Lagarde). The Syriac Peshitta, Lee's text, supplemented by collations
of old MSS. in the British Museum. The Targum Onkelos, Walton, Berliner;
the Palestinian Targums, Walton, the I\Iahzor Vitiy (ed. Hurwitz, pp. 338 sqq.),
and Brit. Mus., Add. 27031. The Arabic, Walton, Lagarde {Materialien').
^ Above line i and midway between nin[^] and "jTIT'X there appear to be
traces of an X. They are not distinct enough, however, to enable one to speak
with any degree of confidence. It should be mentioned that the actual width of
the upper-margin (as also of that at the right-hand side) is f inch.
^ Mr. E. J. Pilcher ingeniously suggests that if the papyrus in its complete
state were a Service-book, the omission of the words may be due to the fact that
" the authorities of the Synagogue, living in the midst of a fanatical and turbulent
population, may have considered it prudent to refrain from publicly describing
their land of residence as a house of slaves," thus avoiding a phrase " which might
be considered as casting an aspersion upon the country or its inhabitants."
^ After I had made my copy, and before the photograph was taken, a minute
particle of papyrus containing portions of the D of D^riN and the y following
disappeared.
"" The reading "with me "' («,^SQ1) in Aphraates (col. 62) is not conclusive.
37
Jan. 14J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1903.
^5^7//^/^^ throughout. According to the Massora, this spelhng
occurs thirty-five times in the O.T. THi^n (h 10) and 11?2nn
(1. 19 sq.) are both written defectiva in the M.T., elsewhere the text
follows Exod., notably in p^i'^t^^ (1. 17), for which Deut. has
p'^l^^"'. It is well known that the scribes were allowed considerable
latitude in the use of the pk?ie, hence no inference as to date can
be drawn from these spellings. From Kennicott's collations it
appears that r\^b^ (^'- 5) is pkne in thirty-two MSS. of Ex., and
defective in three MSS. of Deut. ; p"^*^^^ 'vs, plcne in a number of
MSS. of Deut. ; and the spellings 1")^^]! ^^nd m^lin are found in
Ex. in eleven and two MSS. respectively.
73 is restored at the end of the line in agreement with
Deut. (v, 8) and a few MSS. of Ex. The reading ^31 (in Ex.) is
also read in Deut. by Hebrew MSS., Palest. Targ. (not Onkelos),
Sam. (Pent, and Targ.), and Pesh.i
Line 5. Eleven letters only are wanting between 11. 4 and 5.
Elsewhere at least six letters are required at the commencement of
the line, and, since word-division does not seem to have been
practised, it is possible that for □"T^.^^n we should read 13,i?n
(nii^fl ) and restore Qii^^ before '1:: .
t^ISp, ^b^- The M.T. in Ex. (xx, 5) and Deut. (v, 9) has b<|p_
{cf. also Ex. xxxiv, 14, Deut. iv, 24, vi, 15), but this form recurs in
Josh, xxiv, 19, Nah. i, 2.
Line 6. D"''l2^vtl? 75^- This agrees with Ex. against Deut.
(' 12^ /^1)- I'be Sam. (Pent, and Targ.), however, prefixes T in the
former, whilst the Targ., and several Heb. and Sam. MSS., omit it in
the latter.
Line 7. Tll^iTiD- I" Deut. {v. 10) "iWm-iT^, but (h Pesh. and
Sam. Pent, agree with Ex.
Line 8. There does not appear to be room for the addition
of ^^n.^5 after nirT'j which is presupposed by 6^^ in Ex., and
6 ''"""^'- ^ in Deut.
Line 9. nfcU^]- See note on n^^ 1. 11.
"IIDT- So Ex., against TITOII? in Deut. (v. 12). On the possi-
bility that Deut. originally read "ll^T? see below, p. 53. The
' It is worth adding, perhaps, lliat in Deut. (v, 8) Lee's omission of ^3
) is
5S.
38
is a mistake, the reading ^q}^. V.D is fovuid in every MS. that I hav
examined. In v. 7, too, all the old MSS. liavc _jj>^( Ol_^(
JA>;. 14] A TRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
reading of Sam. (Pent, and Targ.) in Ex. ("^1011^, "113) is conformed
to Deut.
Lme 10. "llli^il. See note on ^y^, 1. 2.
"TjnS^^ /^ h'D- There is no reason to suppose that the noun
is in the plur. ((['-> in Ex. and Deut. to tpya aov).
[nlVnV The insertion of the preposition (contrast M.T.
^i?"ilti,»n DV1) is found in a few Hcb. MSS. and in the LXX of
both Ex. and Deut., in O. Lat. of Deut., and in the Vulgate of Ex.
only. The reading is justified by Ex xvi, 26, xxxi, 15, xxxv,
2, Lev. xxiii, 3, etc.
Line 11. The insertion of HD. is supported by the Book of
Jubilees (L, 7), 05, O. Lat. (Sabatier, Robert), Vulg., Sam. (Pent,
and Targ.), and Syr.-Hexaplar (with the obelus). It is wanting in
M.T. (and elsewhere in parallel passages, e.g., Deut. xvi, 8, Lev.
xxiii, 3, 7, etc. ; but constrast Ex. xxxv, 2, and Jer. xvii, 24),
Targ., and old Syriac MSS., although in the printed editions of the
Peshitta, and in MSS. from the Vlllth-IXth centuries onwards it has
found a place, owing, doubtless, to the influence of the Septuagint.i
The suffix of the 3 S. m. is n ; (/• n[0\I^]) 1- 9- The sufifix,
on the other hand, is 1 in T^l[li^] and 1"lOn (1- 21), and this inter-
change agrees admirably with O.T. usage, e.g., Gen. xlix, 11
(m^ir, nh^D, but i:hi^, ity:;^) ; Deut. xxxiv, 7 (nhh, but
in^Ilp ) ?'• 6)- The form is not confined to early writings (cf-
Ezek. xxxi, i8, Nah. ii, r). and is frequently emended by the Keri
to V The original pronunciation of this, the primitive form, was
probably 71 — , and its occurrence on this papyrus, corresponding, as
it does, so closely with O.T. usage, is one of the many indications
that this is a genuine Hebrew text, and not a later production.^
^ From an examinadon of Syriac MSS. in the British Museum it appears
that OlO is omitted by Add. 14425 (the oldest dated Syriac Biblical MS., and
the second oldest Syriac MS. of known date — A.D. 464), by two MSS. of the
Vlth century (Add. 14427, and Add. 14438, Deut.), by one of the Vlllth century
(Add. 12133, Ex.). Two of the Vllth-VIIIth centuries read OIQ in Deut.
only, and not in Ex. (Or. 4400, and the Milan Codex Ambrosianus). It is
found in Rich. 7145 of the Vlllth — IXth centuries (Ex.), in the Cambridge
^'Buchanan Bible" (Oo. I, i, end of Xllth century), in Rich. 7146 (XlVth-
XVth centuries), and later MSS.
- C/. •inr-jb''?, Judges xix, 24 (but '^l^'ih'B vv. 2, 25), -in-l.C^'^} ^ Prov.
xxix, 18 (but n^y , V. 21). n recurs regularly on the Moabite Stone as a
nominal and verbal suffix {e.g., HVIK, ns'?n''1).
39
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
That n3, is not the feminine form is conclusively shown by the
M.T. inil>1p''T ii^ ^'- II {<-'/• ''^Iso Deut. v, 12, Gen. ii, 3,
Ex. XXXV, 2, Is. Ivi, 2, 6).i
Line 12. The text agrees with Deut. against Ex. ("["lli^
"Tn^n^,"! ^Hr^i^l); but the fuller reading is presupposed by 05 in
Ex., although the only Hebrew support seems to be the addition of
"[■^nm "J^lir^T (one MS. cited by De Rossi), and ^^nr^ni ^D"l
(one MS. cited by Kenn.). The ") is prefixed to "rilV i" agree-
ment with Deut. (omitted by some MSS., (l^, and Sam. Pent, and
Targ.), and several MSS. in Ex.
The general agreement of the text of this commandment with
Ex. is seen from the presence of Ex. xx, 11, and the omission oF
Deut. V, 15, and the closing words of v. 14. For the view that the
text in Deut. was originally simpler, see below, p. 53, and note that
<!l ^ (but not B^^ AFL or Old Lat.) has inserted \x\.v. 14 : tV 7f)/j tf
iiixepai<s eTroirjaev H^vpio^ tov T6 ovpavov KUi ■nju ''j7iV Kai riju OaXaaaav
Kui TTavra t« eV avTo7's, and that BAFL adds at the end Kal a'^^id^eii'
avTiju,
Line 14. The reading QTl H^ (05 ^ omits) is supported by the
great majority of MSS. 1 is prefixed in a small number, and is
found in 6 ^"■^"'^- ^^^ (and 6 ^ in Deut.), Palest. Targ. (not Onk.),
Pesh., Sam. (Pent, and Targ.), Vulg., Ar.
That the small fragment containing the beginning of 11. 15-19 is
correctly restored seems obvious from the result. The edges do not
fit with precision, but this is hardly to be wondered at since the
papyrus has suffered considerable wear and tear.-
Line 15. The indications favour [DV2] Hi"^!. The lower part
of the 1 is distinct, and the apparent trace of a final Q points to the
ligature HJ (of which only the ^ and the right hand leg of the PT
are preserved). The ligature would exactly resemble Jl^ in 1. 1 8.
Line 16. "'i^'^^Xt^n is scarcely doubtful, and it is absolutely
certain at all events that it cannot be read jl^l^TT, as in Ex.
' The sing. D^^ is fem. in Ex. xxxi, 14, Lev. xxiii, 3, xxv, 6 (with XIH),
xvi, 31 (with X^n, but xxiii, 32, with XIH); in Jcr. xvii, 2^, with nS kcthib (but
^ I may remark that before I .succeeded in determining the contents and
position of this fragment, the restoration of the words between ["ll^N (1. 16) and
jyD? (1. 17) caused great difficuUy. Some ten or more letters had to be supplied,
and the only resource seemed to be to insert 1^^?^5 nirT" "]))! TJ'X2 (Deut. v, 16),.
which was too long.
40
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903-.
XX. ii/'. The reading agrees with Gen. ii, 3, upon which the verse
may have been based, and is presupposed by (&, Pesh., and Ar.^
VH^^HiTV Formerly read by me as rltyTiTI) although the
horizontal stroke of the pre-supposed H '^^'as not to be seen. Mr.
Burkitt points out that the slope of the two strokes is quite different
from that of the n i'l the papyrus, and reads Vli^TiTlj which I
accept as correct. As he justly remarks, a suffix which has become
^n~ in the conventional Hebrew of the M,T., may very well have
assumed sometimes the form I^t--
Line 17. The letters l^^'i at the commencement of the line are
]3articularly distinct, and eventually gave the clue to the position of
the smaller fragment.
The text of the commandment differs more markedly from Ex.
XX, 12, than Deut. v, 16. On the other hand, Deut.'s "p':^ '\'^'^'2
"TTIT'^ TV\TV (omitted by four MSS.) is here wanting, and the
arrangement agrees with (h (in Ex. and Deut.),^ O. Lat. (Sabatier
and Robert [Deut.]), Ephes. vi, 2, and Philo.^ The superiority of
the new reading is shown by the general agreement of the order
with other Deuteronomic passages (see Deut. xxii, 7, and cf.
iv, 40, V, 30 \_^'^'\) ; but contrast Deut. vi, 2 sq.
^ The Syr. Hex. gives the reading without mark or comment. It is found
also in Aphraates (Horn, xiii, col. 541). The Brit. Mus. Or. 4400 reads
(jjiD for (Oll^j, and with this agrees Add. 14425 (on the MS., see above,
p. 39, n. l), which stands alone in following the M.T., |A^»J |SDQ.a^. These
two MSS. and Add. 12133 agree in making Deut. v, 11 the ^-tYoW commandment
(so 05^, St. Augustine, and others). [The more modern Cambridge S. Indian
Syr. MSS., Oo., I, 26 and 27 have adopted the same division, but vary in the
second half, parily through error.]
- The form of the suffix can be paralleled, and the Rev. R. H. Kennett, of
Queens' College, Cambridge, to whom I applied for information, informs me
that he has always held that the suffix in the Syr. . »rnn^\^01 is contained
in the Qj, and that the silent wiQI , which was probably never pronounced,,
may be merely an orthographical convention. He adds, however, that no doubt
the Hebrew originally possessed many grammatical forms ignored by the
Massora, but it would be precarious to postulate the existence of any such form
unless traces of it could be found in the Kcthib. Unless '• is here a consonant, it
is also possible to suppose a contraction of -in—, with the omission of il (as iii
Vry, V:ati', on Heb. seals for inny, in'^Jnt:'), and with "I plene (as in vi?^.
Job xxi, 23).
^ "That it may go well with thee," is omitted by (LV^ in Ex., and by three
Heb. and Sam. MSS. in Deut.
■* Ryle, Philo and Holy Scripture, ad loc. (London, 1895).
41
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
p«^l^?"^- Defective in Deul., but see above on ^^^7, 1. 2.
nnon nOli^n is read by # (Ex. only), Pesh. and Ar.i (Deut.
only), but there was scarcely room for it on the papj-rus.
Line 18. The order (a) adultery, (/>) murder, (c) steal, is found
in Ex., only in Holmes and Parsons, nos. 14, 16, 30, 57, 73, 75, 77,
78, 130, 136. (Lv^''^ agrees with the j\I.T. in the order ^, a, c;
# ^ alone has a, c, b. Yet another arrangement (/', c, a) appears in
Brit. Mus. Rich., 7146, a Syriac (Jacobite) MS. of the XlVth-
XVth centuries — probably an error. In Deut., (lV^^ agrees with
M.T. {b, a, c), but the above order {a, b, c) is found in (g ^^ and in
Holmes and Parsons, nos. 19, 44, 54, 74, 75, 76, 106, 108, 118, 134.
The Septuagint support is therefore stronger in Deut. than in Ex.
The usual, or Massoretic order, is found in Josephus (second half
of first century, a.d.), Mt. xix, 18, the Didache (first half of second
century),^ and became fixed at an early date. On the other hand, the
above order is supported by Romans xiii, 9, Jas. li, 11, Mk. x, 19
(A. v.), Lk. xviii, 20,"^ Philo (see Ryle, ad. loc), TertuUian, Clement
of Alexandria, Hippolytus of Portus, Ambrosiaster, and others.''
In the omission of the conjunction in 11. 18 and 19, the text
agrees with Ex. (also (§ Sam. Pent, in Deut.) against Deut. M.T.
Line 19. The reading 'i^'W agrees with Deut. {i\ 20) against
npt2}> Ex. (v. 16), 03's yl/cvoij in both, though not conclusive, favours
■^)2tp) which is read by several Heb. MSS. even in Deut. (presup-
posed also by Targ. Onk., and O. Lat.). Of the two readings
Holzinger prefers '^p\^ as the more concrete term, and, pointing to
V. 7 ((S cTTi jLiuTa/ic), observes that in so short a passage as the
Decalogue, ^1';^ would hardly have been used in two different
senses. On the whole, it is more probable that "1pt!J " has been
' See Lagarde, Matei-ialioi (Leipzig, 1867). Tlie same text has a curious
omission in Ex. xx, 12, reading : " honour thy father and thy mother that thy
life may be long which the Lord thy God giveth thee." The Syr. MS., Brit.
Mus., Or. 4400, stands alone (so far as I know) in reading ^.ijLjs* •Gl^.CQJ).
- Probably, as Mr. Burkitt informs me, under the direct influence of Mt. xix, 18.
3 Contrast Vulg. and Pesh. in Luke, the Sinaitic paHmpsest in Mark
{cf. R.V.), and the parallel Matt, xix, 18. (For this arrangement, cf. also (S's
treatment of Jer. vii, 9.) Aphraates (col. 546), who merely mentions adultery
before murder, elsewhere (col. 837) gives the order : covet, murder, adultery.
Here, as in the case of L i, his evidence is not conclusive.
^ See the commentaries rt!^. loc, and(/. Geffckcn, Uebcrd. verschicdcne Einthei-
iiin^ d. Decalogiis (Hamburg, 1838), who cites also the Frisian church(p. 201 sq.).
42
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
substituted in Ex. xx, 16, to remove all doubt about the sense"
(Addis) — the more difificult reading is the older {cf. also Baentsch).
Lines 20 sq. The smaller fragment (the readings are not very
easy) contains portions of 1. 20 sq., and joins on fairly well to the
larger. Traces of "^ in "^1^^^ (1. 21) appear on both. The precise
arrangement of the two pieces under the large fragment is indicated
by the amount of space required for the restoration of 1. 23 sq}
from the text as restored it will appear that it agrees with
Deut. V. I §[21] against Ex. xx. 17, in the mention of rill^t^ before
TVI- Apart from a few MSS. which read the reverse in both, the
reading in Deut. is presupposed by 05 in Ex. The insertion of
inTC? also characterises Deut., although it is found in #, Sam.
(Pent., and Targ.), and in a few Heb. MSS. in Ex. On the other
hand, instead of the repetition of "11^2)111 (on the spelling see
above, 1. 2), Deut. supplies a new verb (nii^Jin)' although again in
this it is not followed by the Sam. (Pent, and Targ.), the Palest.
Targum (not Onkelos), 6, and Old Lat. Mr. Burkitt, however, is
convinced that mb^iin is actually the reading of the papyrus.
The i*5, which he finds, is far from clear, and if "11?:>nn is correct,
the last two characters are not very intelligible. Both readings are
difficult.-
The rit^ before ]-|[i]2 (i- 20) is a novelty, and it is also to be
restored presumably at the end of 1. 19. The number of missing
letters is then brought up to the average. As regards the words
restored in 1. 21, some Heb. MSS. omit "^ before "111^, and the
reading ')-^l';2jr') (with ■)) is found only in Ex., but is presupposed by
6, Pesh. in Deut. Further, in Deut., all MSS. of Pesh. insert
"vineyard" after "field," with the exception of Add. 14425, where,
too, " servant " and " maid-servant " are transposed. 6, in both,
adds oine 7rain6<s kti'jvovs (^(tk6vov^ I>. in Ex.) ainov, a secondary
element probably derived from the fourth commandment. An
analogy to this appears in (§"'''''-'s kch to vTroi^v^^ioi' uvtou (Deut. v, i^^b)!^
Line 22. The Decalogue is followed by the Shema' (Deut. vi,
• They should probably come a little more to the left of the larger fragment,
and not immediately under it as on Plate I.
^ Vulg. in Ex. noil coiuupisces . . . ncc desideralns, in Deut. only the former
once. As regards usage, the verb niXnn, in fact, was to be expected with ntJ'X
rather than with JT'Q.
■■' On such multiplication of details in the Decalogue, particularly in the fourth
commandment, see Geiger, Urschrift u. Uehenetziing, p. 466.
43
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
4, S(/.), to which is prefixed an introductory clause no longer
preserved in the M.T. (g's version of Deut. vi, 4 reads : — Kai rauTu
TO, ciKtu'tv/naTa Kal ra KfinKiTU uaa iveteiXmo }\.i'f)io^ toTs- luol^ Ify/xnjX,
e^eXOofTici' ainwv lk '//ys- Ai'^inrrov 'Akove, IfTfxu'jX ' K.t'j>iov u Ocov ijud'y
Ki'piof cU- CaT(u. The verse is fortunately preserved also in the
Lyons Old Latin codex, which reads Moyses for K^/j^o? (in agree-
ment with (55'^'"'"'' and several MSS. cited by Holmes and Parsons),
and DS Tuns DNS uuus est for o 9tu>,' ,)/ta'j^. Obviously the
readings Kvpiov and ?)/aI'j/ are mutually inconsistent, and it may-
be conjectured that the subject to the verb " commanded " was.
originally unexpressed.
The reading 'i;i") D'^I^ClII'^m is perfectly clear, and the
LXX and O. Lat. require us to see in the jireceding characters,
which are somewhat indistinct, Q'^Lpnn]- The difficulty lies in the
identification of the second character with the desiderated Q, which
would here have an unusual form. In view of what is said below
regarding the palceography of the papyrus the reading of the oldest
version may be accepted with confidence.
Line 23. The last letter in Qrit«5!^l is slightly doubtful, owing-
to the disappearance of the lower horizontal stroke. The alternative,,
nni^!J3,> is difficult on account of the form of the pf; ^^d on
grammatical grounds.
Line 24. It will be noticed that the 1 in "IPli^ is not a
majuscule, and it is highly probable that the ^^ of i^^XJ^ in 1. 23.
was also of the ordinary size. The ."Shema', too, is not written on
one line as old tradition required. The addition of ^IH after
"THi^ is remarkable, and finds no support in Heb. MSS., in the
Sam., or Targ.i
[Line 25.] At the extreme foot of the papyrus there is a small
vertical stroke which is doubtless the top of an 7. This, it may be
conjectured, belongs to ^^^7'^^• The position of the stroke
underneath, and midway between 'r\*\r]'^ and ')2'^n>'t^, agrees well,
as the restoration shows, with the average number of letters on each
line. Mr. Burkitt finds traces of two other la/iieds which, from their
position, must presuppose "[^^7 /2!l-
' It is worth adding tlian on a Hebrew inscription from Palmyra (see below^
pp. 49, 51, and col. 10 on Plate of' Alphabets), containing the Shcma', the divine
name is always replaced by *J1~IX- This is not later than the 3rd century (see
Deitr. z. AssyricL, IV [1902], p. 203 sq.).
44
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
This introduction to the Shema' bears every appearance of
genuineness. It is not easy otherwise to account for 6's reading, since
the nearest parallel, Deut.'iv, 45, is not sufficiently close to suggest that
the Septuagint translator has merely borrowed.^ On the assump-
tion that the introduction originally formed part of the Hebrew text,
how is one to account for its omission ? Two explanations may be
hazarded. In the first place, without entering into a discussion of
the literary analysis of this portion of Deut., it is conceivable that
the introduction was omitted, partly to avoid any break in the
continuity, and partly because an introduction was already contained
in iv, 44, sq., or, better, in vi, 1.2
In the second place, the Palestinian Targums insert before the
Shema' a Haggadic anecdote ascribing the origin of the famous
words in v. 4 to the sons of Jacob. When one remembers the
importance attached to the Shema from the earhest times,^ and
recalls the tendency, fully exemplified in the Pharaisaic Book of
Jubilees, to thrust back laws and institutions to pre-Mosaic times,
it is not a difficult conjecture that the introduction, conflicting as it
did with the Haggadah of the time, was dropped either before or
at the formation of the Massoretic text.
From the above notes it will be seen that where the Hebrew text
agrees with Deut. against Ex., it has the support of the Septuagint
version of Ex., and where it has independent readings of its own,
it is supported, in the first instance, by the LXX (and O. Lat), and,
to a much less degree, by the other versions. Most convincing of
all is the introduction to the Shema'. But there is no good reason
on this account to doubt that the fragment is a genuine Biblical
text. It is known that the Hebrew Pentateuch was read in Egypt at
least from the time of the writer of the Letter of Aristeas down to
' Suggested by Swete, Introd. to O.T. in Greek, p. 332. The verse runs:
■"These are the testimonies and the statutes and the judgements (the third term
is omitted by B*) which Moses spake unto (so BAL, but F " commanded ") the
children of Israel (AL inserts "in the wilderness") when they went from
{©inserts " the land of") Egypt."
- A title is undoubtedly helpful, and some critics have even supposed that
vi, I once stood nearer to v. 4 than it does now (see The Hexateuch, ed.
Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, London, 1900, vol. II, ad loc).
^ See Blau's interesting paper : " Origine et Hisioire de la lecture du Schema,"
Rev. d'Et.Jicives, xxxi (1895), pp. 179 sqg., especially p. 183, note, where there
are references to other Rabbinical writings in which the above-mentioned tradition
reappears.
45
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903.
Justinian's day,^ and it is inconceivable that a Hebrew-speaking Jew
should have required a retranslation from a version such as the
Septuagint. Further, the evidence shows that the text agrees, now
with BFL against A, now with BAF against L, etc., so that no par-
ticular MS. or recension is represented to the exclusion of others."
Finally, in a translation from the Greek, one would not only
have expected to find words corresponding to ovtc ttoi'-o^ k7))vov?
ai'Tou (1. 21), etc., but literal renderings might be expected in the case
of eV 7"/J fc^ ijue/iaii; {v. II, 1. I3), and I'va fiaKi>o\f)di>io^ ycjnj (z'. 12,
1. 17) The addition of i»;^n i" the Shema' is not necessarily to be
regarded as based upon the LXX. It is equally difficult to suppose
that the text is dependent upon any other version : the Sam., Pesh.,
and Targ. agree too closely with the ]\LT., and the absence of the
distinctive interpolations after the Decalogue precludes the first
mentioned. It may, therefore, be taken for granted that the papyrus
is a genuine Hebrew text.-^
This being assumed, it follows that we have to do with a Hebrew
Biblical fragment which differs more widely from the M.T. than any
known MS. It is important to observe that these readings are so
consistently supported by the Septuagint that they clearly cannot be
regarded as due to the imagination or defective memory of a scribe,
nor may we suppose (comparing Josephus, Anti(iiiities, iii, 5, § 4,
end) that they are a deliberate alteration from superstitious motives
{ov OcfxiTov . . . Kc^jetv 0oj'6/ja's tt^o? At'f/r). Only One explanation
seems possible. The scrupulous fidelity in the preservation and
correct transmission of the Old Testament dates only from a certain
period. It is due to this care that the consonantal text has remained
virtually unchanged during the last seventeen hundred years, and
that we can trace it back through the oldest manuscripts to the
Vulgate, the Targums, the translation of Aquila, and the Mishna.
But a critical and unbiassed study of such earlier and independent
writings as the Septuagint, the Samaritan Pentateuch, the Book of
' Cf. for Aristeas, Kautsch, Psci(depig7-., ii, 7 § 20 ; Swete, Introd. to 0. T. in
Creek, p. 525, and for Justinian, Novell, cxlvi, cited by Schiirer, G./.V., 3rd
ed., vol. iii, p. 95, n. 76 [Engl, trans., Div. ii, vol. 2, p. 285, n. 217].
' Perhaps it comes nearest to B's text of Deut. (see below, p. 53). At all
events it has no close relationship with Ilesychian texts.
' Had the text merely copied or imitated any of the versions, it would
assuredly have presented those blemishes which here and there obscure certain of
the Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus.
46
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903
Jubilees, etc., forces the conviction that the text has not ahvays been
in the fixed state in which it has come down to us, and has led to
the commonly accepted opinion that the "Massoretic" text is but a
stage, and that almost the latest one, in the history of the Old
Testament text.^ The fixing of the text of the Koran by the Caliph
Othman, and of the Rig-Vedas by a school of scribes in the 5th
century B.C., are analogies that will occur to every one. This view^
as I have already remarked, is accepted by the great mass of Biblical
scholars, and is duly stated by the cautious and sober band of critics
who prepared the Revised Version of the Old Testament, in the
words cited at the head of the present article. It has been so
frequently enunciated, and by more competent writers than myself,
that further remarks of mine are unnecessary.- But it is not denied
that, whatever be the date of the formation of this recension, MSS.,
in Palestine at least, may have been gradually undergoing a process
of conformation one with another, and if, as the scant}' evidence
suggests, the labours of the scribes were not conducted upon the
critical principles that would be employed to-day by the editor of a
text,2 it is not suggested that the text was at all freely altered from
polemical or other reasons. Cautious criticism, grateful for the
welcome light which the Septuagint and other versions frequently
shed upon obscure or corrupt passages in the M.T., willingly recog-
nises that the M,T. most nearly represents the earliest form in which
' The term "Massoretic" text is, strictly speaking, incorrect. It was the
sopheriin (scribes) who were the revisers and redactors of the canonical text.
The Massoretes came later. These were the "authoritative custodians of the
traditionally transmitted text . . . their province was to safeguard the text de-
livered to them by ' building a hedge around it,' to protect it against alterations,
or the adoption of any readings which still survived in manuscripts or were
exhibited in the ancient versions" (Ginsburg, Introd. to Hebrew Bible, p. 421).
To them is due the introduction of vowel-points and accents.
- See Derenbourg, UHistoire de la Palestine (1867), pp. 299 sqq. ; Noldeke,
Die Alttestament. Literatur (1868), pp. 240 sqq. ; Driver, Hebrew Text of
Samuel (1890), pp. xxxvi sqq.; Kirkpatrick, Divine Library of O.T. (1891),
pp. 51 sqq. ; Robertson Smith, Old Test, in Jewish Church (1892), pp. 62 sqq.,
2)2 sqq. ; Wellhausen-Bleek, Einleittmg in das Alte Test. (1893), pp. 576 sqq. ;
Kuenen, Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Germ, by Budde, 1894), pp. 82 sqq. ; W. 11.
Bennett, Primer of the Bible (1897), pp. 123 sqq. ; T. 11. Weir, History of the
Hebrew Text of 0. T. (1899), p. 70 sq. ; Briggs, Introd. to Study of Holy Scripture
(1899), pp. 174 sqq. ; "Text of the O.T." by Strack, in Hastings' DB; "Text
and Versions" by Burkilt in Encycl. Biblica. The list might easily be enlarged,
but the above references are fairly representative.
" See Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 6$ sq.
47
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
the books were first written down, and that, "<?« the whole the purer
text was undoubtedly preserved by the Jews.''^
If the claim that this papyrus represents a pre-Massoretic form of
the Hebrew text be justified, it does not necessarily follow that the
fragment is chronologically pre-Massoretic. It is not improbable
that private MSS., or MSS. not strictly Jewish, were coi)ied and
perpetuated in Egypt years after the M.T. had been adopted in
Palestine, although it v;ill be readily understood that a time would
come when all variant texts of this character would fall into disuse.
How long such texts continued, and to what extent they were used,
it is difficult to decide.-
Should it so happen that among the hundreds of Geniza frag-
ments there should be found Biblical passages with noteworlhy
variants from the iextus receptus, it will be necessary to determine
whether they are based upon a sound and ancient tradition, or
whether they admit of another explanation {e.g., scribe's errors, etc.).
It is the fact that the readings in the papyrus find authoritative
support that gives them their value. Were they absolutely without
a parallel in the ancient versions they might not unjustifiably be
regarded with suspicion.
I have intentionally emphasized the fact that the papyrus is not
necessarily pre-Massoretic in point of view of date, in order that the
palaeographical evidence may now be examined without any precon-
ceived view one way or the other.
On Plate III will be found a comparative table of alphabets
illustrating the relation of the handwriting on the papyrus (col. 5) to
other allied forms. '^ As in the history of Greek writing, the palae-
ography of Hebrew papyri should perhaps form a department by
itself Unfortunately, with the sole exception of the fragments now
under discussion, there is nothing between the Egyptian-Aramaic
papyri (col. i), the latest of which may belong to the Ptolemaic
period, and the Berlin specimens (col. 11), ascribed to the Vllth —
Vlllth centuries of this era (see p. 34 .y^. above). The new papyrus
^ Driver, Heb. Text of Samuel, p. xxxix ; cf. Burkitt, "Text and Versions,"
§ 66, Encycl. Biblica, Vol. IV (1903) ; Kirkpatrick, Divine Library of O.T.,
pp. 80 sqq.
^ See Strack, .Semitic Studies in Afeiiiory of Kohut (Berlin, 1S97), p. 571.
^ With the exception of col. 5, the alphabets are taken or compiled from
Euting's fine table in Chwolson's Corpus Inscr. Ilebr., and from Lidzbarski's
Handbuch. d. Nordsemit. Epigraphiky Ft. II, iafelti, and art. "Alphabet" in the
Jewish Encyclopaedia, Vol. I.
48
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903,
comes between these two extremes, and to determine its date more
nearly recourse must be had to other epigraphical remains, the date
of which, however, is often not known with certainty. The forms
upon the Palmyrene (col. 2 monumental, col. 3 cursive character)
and Nabatsean (col. 4) inscriptions date from the Christian era (or
just before it), and go down to the Ilird and IVth century a.d. The
Palestinian ossuaries (col. 6) range perhaps from 100 b.c.-ioo a.d.
The inscriptions from Gezer (col. 7), the Bene Hezir inscription and
that of Queen Sadda (col. 8), are of the same period. The close of
the transitional stage is illustrated by inscriptions from Kefr Bir'im
(col. 9), and Palmyra (col. 10), where the "square character" is
finally settled ; both are probably not later than 300 a.d. Lastly,
col. 12 exhibits the alphabet of the oldest dated Biblical MS.
(916 A.D,), which is merely included for its interest on that
account.
Plate I. with Mr. Burkitt's facsimile shows the form of the
writing so clearly and accurately that it only remains for me to draw
attention to certain peculiarities. The writing is certainly cursive,
but quite distinct from the running hand found upon Babylonian
bowls, the Berlin papyri (col. 11), and the later Rabbinical forms.^
There are no traces of "crowned letters"; these "little zayins,"
which ornamented the heads of ;i t ^ 2 ^ V )2^, already appear
in the Berlin papyri, and are mentioned as obligatory in the Talmud
(Men. 2<)b).~ The five final letters occur regularly. A final ] is
found on the Bene Hezir inscription, final □, 1 and ri on Palestinian
ossuaries, but the ?2 in Tp^ DHil (Gezer boundary-stone) is not
final. When these double forms were first regularly used in Hebrew
is not positively known. A close inspection of the papyrus shows
that ligatures — omitting all doubtful cases — are unusually common.
A few examples are found on the Bene Hezir and Sadda inscriptions,
on Palestinian ossuaries, and the Berlin papyri. With these exceptions,
'^.C/". Lidzbarski, Jewish EncycL, p. 453, PI. V. Mr. Burkitt further points
out to me that in the " Rabbinic it is 2 which has the broken-backed form and
not 3 as in the papyrus . . . the papyrus script has nothing to do with the later
Rabbinic any more than papyrus Greek cursive of the first centuiy has to do with
the medieval mitiuscuU." A superficial resemblance, therefore, is no argument
agamst the antiquity of the papyrus. Even as regards the older Egyptian-
Aramaic, Lidzbarski (op. cit., p. 442;^) notes "the astonishing fact that not only
the general features of the script are much like the cursive Hebrew of the Middle
Ages, but that many of the signs taken by themselves are absolutely identical."
* Lidzbarski, op. cit., p. 445a.
49 D
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
ligatures are very rare in Hebrew, even in the cursive writing, but,
on the other hand, they often occur in PahTiyrene, and are frequent
in Nabataean and Sinaitic inscriptions.
The form of the Tetragrammaton comes nearer to that which
the early Hexaplaric translators represent by mm, than to the
more archaic 3 ^ ^ -], recently recovered from a fragment of Aquila.^
The former represents the true " square character " of Aramaic
origin, introduced not earlier than the Ilnd century B.C., whilst the
latter is a lineal descendant of the script on the Siloam inscription,
and finds its nearest parallels on the coins of Antigonus and Simon
han-Nasi.~
As regards the individual letters, ^^ is of various forms and sizes.
Most remarkable is the turning in of the left leg, of which only faint
traces were hitherto known in Hebrew (cols. 7 and 10). The
closely-related Nabataean form (col. 4) is not common, and
belongs to an inscription of B.C. i ; it is also found once or twice in
the Sinaitic graffiti. The second Nabatrean example is the usual
final form, and resembles the ornamental Palmyrene (col. 2).
Here, however, the bend is less marked.
H- The various positions of the left-hand stroke are noteworthy.
The closest analogies are in Egyptian-Aramaic (col. i), and Palm,
(col. 2, the best examples are of b.c. 9 and a.d. 188). On the
papyrus it is clearly in the transitional stage, but it has not yet
attained the shape (resembling a H ^nd the Greek 11) which is
regularly found on all Hebrew inscriptions.
12 is closed in 1. 17, but open in 1. 22. For the former, the older
form of the letter, the only analogies in Nabataean inscriptions are
not later than 55 a.d., but it is frequent in Sinaitic and regular in
Syriac.
2- The "broken-backed" form is common in Nab. and Pal.,
but has only left the merest traces in Palest, ossuaries and the
Sadda inscr. (cols. 6, 8).
7. The occasional smallness of the lower part of 7, and its not
infrequent elevation above the line, find a parallel in the Bene
' F. C. Burkitt, Fraspnents . . . of Aquila from a MS. formerly in the
Geniza at Cairo (Cambridge, 1897), p. 15 sq.
^ (For the * ^. also Clermont-Ganneau, Sceaiix, Nos. 11 (nCOX, written
houstrophedon), and 44 (Qy^px)- These, and allied forms of old Hebrew
(illustrated in the Proceedings , XIX [1897], p. 172, plate II), existed side by side
with the " square character" down to the Ilnd cent, a.d.)
50
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
Hezir, and Sadda inscr.^ In that of Kefr Bir'im, the later regular
form and position are well established.
72- The final form is not always closed. This is also the case in
some early Hebrew inscriptions (col. 10, c/. P.E.F.Q., 1900, pp. 112
sq.^ 117), where, however, the opening is at the top left-hand corner.
n. For the form (/[ cols. 6, 8, and ^.^.7^(2•, 1900, p. 114. The final
F| has a form between the Palest, ossuaries and the Kefr Bir'im inscr.
p. With the smallness of the tail, cf: the cursive Palmyrene
(col. 3), and the Babylonian bowls (Chwolson, Table, cols. 53, 57).
p. The left-hand stroke often turns up and forms a loop. This
form, though regular in Syriac, is found rarely in Nab. (col. 4, a.d.
55). The less angular shape represented there is Sinaitic.
From the above it would appear that the writing is an early form
of the Hebrew in the transitional stage from the ancestral Aramaic
to the settled " square character " of the Kefr Bir'im and Palmyra
inscr. (not later than 273 a.d.). Some of the letters have Aramaic
characteristics of which only the merest traces are to be found in
the earliest Hebrew inscriptions. The closest Hebrew analogies are
the Palest, ossuaries and the Bene Hezir inscr. In view of the
presence of the final letters, we can scarcely date the papyrus before
the end of the first century, and, on other grounds, it can hardly
be brought down later than the third. Taking everything into
consideration, it may be concluded that the palaeography safely
allows us to ascribe it to the second century of this era, and that
(if a more precise date may be ventured) the first quarter of that
century would be the most probable date in view of the characteristic
features of the text. If this script were a lineal descendant of that
found upon Egyptian-Aramaic, sufticient time would have to be
allowed for the development of i^, 2' S Q> !J> Jl (col. i). But it
is unnecessary to assume that the writing of each separate group
is the descendant of that which may chronologically precede it.-
The Nabataean and Palmyrene are distinct, though contemporary,
branches, and neither is immediately descended from the earlier
' Cf. also P.E.F.Q., 1900, p. 112, No. 7 (Euting, Epig. Miscell., I., p. 13,
No. 52).
^ It is, perhaps, precarious to argue from the wording in the letter of Aristeas
that the writing of the Palestinian Jews was regarded as quite distinct, not only
from the native Egyptian — which is obvious — but also from the Egyptian-
Aramaic script, which would no doubt be well-known to the librarian Demetrius
(Swete, Introd. to O.T. in Greek, p. 520, 11. 2$sqq. ; p. 525, 1. ^sq. ; Kautzsch,
Pseudepigi-apheit, II, p. 5, § 1 1 ; p. 7, § 30). But the language is obscure, and
the first of the two passages is probably not free from glosses.
51 D 2
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCH.ilOLOGV. [1903.
Aramaic inscr. of N. Arabia or Egypt. All that can be said is that
the Nabatiean, Palmyrene, Hebrew, and Syriac are closely related
sister alphabets, derived from Aramaic forms current in Asia Minor,
Syria and Mesopotamia in the IVth — Ilnd cent. B.C. Had we
Aramaic inscr. fi-oin Palestine of that period, we should doubtless
be able to determine the relationship and development of the
several forms more clearly.^
From what has been said (see p. 47 ^vy.) it will be readily understood
that because the papyrus represents a pre-Massoretic form of the
text, it is not to be regarded as necessarily perfect or correct in every
detail. Future investigation must determine its precise value for the
textual and literary criticism of the Biblical passages it contains. It
would have been extremely interesting had the papyrus contained
certain passages which in our M.T, are admittedly corrupt. The
Septuagint and other versions frequently presuppose readings that
differ from the M.T. ; inspection shows that in a number of cases
they do not appear to originate with the translator, that they are not
due to a later tampering with the version, and that the superiority
does not lie with the extant Hebrew. The textual critic accordingly
concludes that the reading actually represents what the translator
found before him, and that it is the Hebrew text that has suffered —
though often the origin of the corruption may be wholly unknown.
It happens, however, that the Biblical passages which the papyrus
has preserved are free from mere textual corruption, and the new
readings, whether superior or not, are of a distinctly literary type.
It is to be noticed, also, that although many of the Septuagint
readings now acquire an authority which they had not previously
possessed, and are substantiated in the most welcome manner,
sufficient remains to show that the Greek translator, in accordance
with his custom (frequently noticed elsewhere), has not scrupled to
make alterations or additions which are of no value, and for which,
doubtless, there was never the slightest authority.
For the literary criticism of the Decalogue I venture to think
that the papyrus is evidence of the most valuable character. The
view is held by many critics that the Decalogue originally consisted
of concise statements such as are now found in the Vlth-IXth
' It may be added that the date ascribed to the papyrus receives some support,
perhaps, from the appearance of the material, which, in the case of Greek papyri
at least, is said not to be later than the Ilird cent. It would also hold good if
the conjecture that the papyrus was a roll, and not a codex, could be proved.
52
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
commandments {cf. also Josephus, Antiquities, iii, 5, § 5), in which
case there may have been several recensions, differing from one
another in the extent of their hortatory expansions. It is not easy
to explain the present Massoretic form of the Exod. recension unless
we assume that it has been influenced by Deut. (which in some
respects presents better readings), and this view requires the further
assumption that it existed in at least two forms — the second being that
represented by the LXX. But this is not the place to discuss the
relation between the two Massoretic forms. The fact remains that
the papyrus comes midway between the two ; it seems unnecessary
to regard it as a third independent recension, and instead of treating
it as a fuller form of Exod., I venture to decide that it represents a
simpler form of Deut.
The chief arguments in support of this view are drawn from the
variants in Hebrew MSS. of Deut., from the evidence of the versions
(especially the Vatican MS. of the LXX), and from the opinion of
critics regarding the secondary character of certain elements peculiar
to the Deut. recension.
In the first place, the differences between the text of the papyrus
and Deut., which refer to some half-dozen cases of the addition or
omission of 1, or to the scriptio piena,x\ee6. not be taken into account
in view of the varying readings of MSS. cited by Kennicott and
De Rossi. In the ninth commandment, the papyrus expressly
agrees with Deut. In the tenth commandment, the view that Deut.
originally repeated Tl^H]! finds support among the versions (see on
1. 20, p. 43 above). On the fourth commandment, see the remarks on
1. 12 (p. 40 above). It is admitted that Deut. v, 12 <^ is a secondary
addition, and it is probable that this verse originally began with
" remember," and that the alteration to " observe " — a favourite word
in Deuteronomic passages — was effected when v. 15 ("and thou
shalt remember," etc.) was inserted, in order to avoid tautology.
Further, it is not improbable that Deut. originally had the words now
found only in Exod. xx, 11, since not only does (^ add at the end of
7'. 15 : Ka'i a'/tai^ew avrt'ji' {cf. '\'^)1^1p''^ ill Ex.), but the Vatican
manuscript has also preserved in v. 14 the words "for in six days
the Lord made both the heaven and the earth and the sea and all
that in them \s."^
^ On the other hand, it is not to be ignored that the addition to w. 14 which
is peculiar to Deut. is perhaps original ; cf. the reason assigned by the earlier
Elohistic writer in Ex. xxiii, 12.
53
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCFLliOLOGV. [1903.
Another point, that has direct bearing upon the view now under
discussion, should not be overlooked. The Decalogue commences
at the head of the column, and the restoration shows that it must
have opened w^th the words " I am the Lord thy God.' In both
Ex. and Deut. the Decalogue starts a new section, but whereas the
latter commences as mentioned above, Ex. has the introductory
title "and God spake all these words, saying." It does not seem
very likely that this was to be found at the foot of a preceding
column, 1 although naturally there is not sufficient evidence in
support of an argument either way. At all events the point is one
to be borne in mind when considering the original purjjose of the
papyrus.
For the solution of this problem the evidence of the papyrus
is hardly conclusive. It is very tempting to suppose that it formed
part of a lectionary or collection of passages from the Torah, and
the fact that the passages in question are Deut. v, 6-21 [18]
(probably) and vi, 4 sq., might even suggest a lectionary of Deutero-
nomy itself. In addition to this, there is the evidence in the
Gospels that the Commandments and the Shema' were regarded
as the most important rules of life and conduct.^ We know that
portions of the Law were copied out separately for children, since
we learn that it was disputed whether the procedure was legal, and
the majority of the Rabbis were against it. Children studied the
Shema', but it was preceded not by the Decalogue but by the Hallel
(Pss. cxiii-cxviii). Moreover, the usual school-books for beginners
were Genesis and Leviticus, and R. Jehudah (about 150 a.d.)
allowed only Gen. i-vi, 8 or Lev. i-viii to be copied.''' It would
seem, therefore, that the evidence does not favour the suggestion
that the papyrus is a fragment of a lectionary.
The mere arrangement shows that a phylactery is out of the
' The title is preceded and followed by a closed section, but since these are not
marked elsewhere in the jjapyrus, there would be no necessity to start a fresh line.
' Thus, the twogreat commandments are the Shema'and Lev. xix, 18/^ (Mk. xii,
29 sqq. , Mt. xxii, 36 sqq.). On other occasions when inquirers asked how to inherit
eternal life, their attention is directed to (a) certain commandments (Mk. x, 19,
Lk. xviii, 20), {b) plus Lev. xix, \%b (Mt. xix, 18 sq.), (c) Deut. vi, 5, and Lev.
xix, 18// (Lk. x, 27). For the addition of Lev. xix, 18/-' to Dt. vi, 5 in early
quotations, see Holmes and Parsons.
* Ludwig Blau, Studiai z. althebr. Bttchweseti (1902), p. 67 seq. But even a
school-book had to be made from a correct copy (HJlD "IDD, Pes. Il2a, see Blau
o/>. iiV. , 187, n. 8).
54
Jan. 14] A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL PAPYRUS. [1903.
question, and a recent suggestion that it was a magical charm can,
perhaps, neither be proved nor disproved.
At first I was inclined to hold that it belonged to a liturgy.
We know that at an early date the Ten Words were read along with
the Shema' in the Daily Service, and that the usage was discon-
tinued (on account of the cavilling of the mhuni) in spite of attempts
to re-introduce it in Sura and Nehardea (Talm. Berakhotk,/. \\b).^
It is questionable, however, whether one would expect to find the
introduction to the Shema' in a liturgy, and without discussing Blau's
conclusion that the Decalogue originally followed the Shema',- one
may ask whether the Shema' would not have been preceded by
those benedictions which go back beyond the Ilird century a.d.^
It is possible that evidence may be forthcoming that will remove
these objections, and, moreover, it is quite conceivable that usage
in Egypt may have differed from that in Palestine as regards both
the liturgical use of the Shema' and the copying of passages from
the Torah."^
One other suggestion may be hazarded. If the Decalogue is the
Deuteronomic, it follows that we have a lacuna of fifteen verses from
Deut. V, 21 [iS] to vi, 4. Critics are agreed that the book of Deut.
has not come down to us in its original form, and various opinions
have been held as to the extent to which it has been edited and
revised. No doubt, therefore, it may have existed in several forms,
although it must be admitted that one form only — the present —
obtained among the Jews of Palestine and of the Dispersion, and the
Samaritans. But the curious remark of Demetrius to Ptolemy in
the Letter of Aristeas clearly shows that incorrect copies of the Law
were extant in Egypt in the writer's day,-'' and there is no reason
' In the case of Nehardea it was opposed by R. Ashi (a.d. 352-427).
* Blau, " Origine et Histoire de la Lecture du Schema," R.E.J, xxxi (1895),
p. 192.
' See Blau, loc. cit., on the antiquity of the " benedictions." (Of the liturgies
of Jewish sects the present writer has made no examination. According to
W. H. Rule, The Karaite Jcivs [London, 1870], p. 180 scq., the Decalogue
[Ex. xx] precedes the Shema', but not immediately.)
■* At all events, the Decalogue would be so well-known that we must assume
that the M.T. faithfully represents the form traditionally preserved among the
Palestinian Jews, in which case the papyrus is evidence that in this, if not io
other details, the Egyjjtlan Jews pursued an independent path.
* rvy^avei yap 'E^paiKols ypd/xjj.aai Kai (pwvy \ey6fj.eva, a jjieXt ffrepov Sf Kal
oi/x (J^s iitrdpxa, aeffiipiavTai, Kadws virb rwv elSoraii' Trpoaava<pspeTai (Kautzsch,
Pseudepigr., ii, p. 7 sq. ; Swete, Introd. to O.T. in Greek, p. 525; Blau,
Studien, p. 100).
55
Ian. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH^^OLOGV. [1903.
why some of these may not have been re-copied and perpetuated
down to a certain period. It is, therefore, not impossible that the
papyrus may have belonged to a recension of Deuteronomy in
which these fifteen verses were wanting, and if this be so, it would be
j)lausible to assume that the })apyrus was in private hands, and not
for public use.
Lack of space forbids me to do more than merely refer to other
interesting considerations which the papyrus suggests — the form and
arrangement of early Hebrew texts, the number of letters in the line,
the employment of the matres kctionis, the possible use of papyrus
for sacred rolls. To these and other points I may return at some
future occasion. It is enough for the present to have laid before the
readers of the Proceedings the main characteristics of this new
Biblical text, and to have endeavoured to deal with some of the
more important problems which it has raised. No doubt there is
room for considerable difference of opinion, but future criticism will
scarcely affect the value of Mr. Nash's papyrus as a specimen, and that
a unique one, of a pre-Massoretic stage of the Old Testament Hebrew
text, nor deny it its claim to be the oldest fragment, not merely ot
any Bibhcal text, Hebrew or otherwise, ^ but also (with the sole
exception of seals, inscriptions on stone, etc.) of any Hebrew
" square character " writing whatsoever.
' The next oldest specimen of any Biblical text would be the fragment of a
jeptuagint version of the Psalter, a papyrus of the late Ilird cent, found in
Egypt in 1892 and now preserved in the British Museum {Pap. CCXXX.).
56
Froceedjcngs Soc.BiJbl Arch Jcui^ 1803.
t^TT, -■?,=»' '"-,:
16
17
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F.C.B. del.
A PRE-MASSORETIC BIBLICAL M.S.
ON PAPYRUS.
PLATE II.
HEBREW TEXT OF TPIE PAPYRUS.
( Fully Restored. )
[For the principles upon which this restoration has been effected, see p. 36.]
(xi*? Linay n^ac Dnv)b pxD "iTKxvin) x'x -["n^s nine "'d:x) i
63 "pDa 1*?) nL"yn xi^ '•io h)V onnx □'n'?x( i'? r\'>r\') 2
(nnno) vi^^^ i-^i ''^^'^^ D^OL"a x"x( njinri' 3
(Diayn xi'^d bn*? ninnr'n xi!? inx*? nnno ccv^n tj'xv 4
(nnx py 192 xi:p "px -i\-i'?x nin^ "'23X( '•3 ) 5
(non nL"yV' ^syj'"? □•'ym "pyi D'-c-'p-l;' '?y D'-^a '?y) e
(lDl" nx x'jvh xi'? TnvD not.*''?! nnx'pc d''d'?x^; 7
(X'x nx) mn'' np^^ xi^ ■'d xrc'b ■i''n'?(x mn") s
ey^rj-n )Qvai iriDx'pD ^3 jt-l'ti inyn boiD'' n::'::') 10
("I^m nnx) nDx'??D ^3 nn nL"yn xi*? th'px (mn'^'pna::') n
nnona 'p^i "i-iom -j-nL" inoxi nnnyn inni) 12
(nin;"- ncy d"'?3^ nL"L*' "-^ inycn (X"x tijv) 13
(D2 x")x "p^ nxi D''n nx '^'y^r\ nxi □i^ocn nx) 14
(Dvn) nx nin^ Tin p^y ''y''3L"n(av3.' ni^i is
(>yQ'? i)bx nxi T'ax nx 13d rcnp-'i ''y^nL'-n le
(X'X) nonxn hv -jno' p^nx'* jyroSi -i"? bu^" 17
(x)i*? n^nn xi"? ^ixjn xi"? -{> ;nj i^n'px mn*' is
annx) Tionn xi"? xvl" ny -jy-in njcyn* xi'?3:an) 19
(innL" ly-i non nx hibnn xi6i lyi n'j'X) 20
"ly-i*? X'X "p^i nr^m V-iiCL"! inoxi n^yi) 21
(m^:3 )hx n^^'jD mv x'x iD'-ns^i'Dm ovpnn n'pxii'^]; 22
^^)m; nnvro ]nxD Dnxvn -12102 <- 'pxx'H'^]) 23
(n2n)Xi xm nnx nin'' ijti'px mn^ ':;(xx'v 24
CUT 122;'? '?02 7n)'?(x mn'' nx) 25
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TABLE OF HEBREW ALPHABETS.
TRANSLATION OF THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS.
[All verbal variations from the Exodus recension of the Decalogue (chap, xx) and
Deut. vi, 4 sg. are in itaiics.l
1. (Ex. XX, 2.) [I am the LJord thy God who [brought] thee out of the land of
E[gypt, out of the house of bondage (3) thou shalt]
S. [have non]e other gods be[for]e me. {4) Thou shalt not make [unto thyself
a graven image nor the likeness of any]
3. [form] that is in the heavens above, or that is in the earth [beneath]
4. [or that is in the \vater]s under the earth : (5) thou shalt not bow down to
them [nor serve them]
5. [for] I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, vis[iting the iniejuity of the
fathers]
6. [upon the child]ren, upon the third and upon the fourth generation of them
that hate me : [(6) and showing mercy]
7. [unto thousands of] them that love me and keep my commandments. (7) Thou
shalt not [take the name of]
8. [the Lord thy G]od in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless [that]
9. [taketh his nam]e in vain. (8) Remember the Sabbath day to [keep it holy].
10. [(9) Six day]s shalt thou labour, and do all thy work : (10) but on the seventh
day there is]
11. [a Sabbath unto the Lord] thy God : in it thou shalt not do any work, [thou,
and thy son],
12. [and thy daughter and (?)] thy man-servant, and thy maid-servant, thine ox,
and thine ass, and any of thy c[attle]
13. [and thy stranger that is] in thy gates : (ll) for in six days the Lord [made]
14. [the heaven]s and the earth, the sea and all th[at in them is]
15. and rest[ed] the seventh [day] : wherefore the J-ord blessed [the]
16. seventh day and hallowed it. (12) Honour thy father and thy moth[er that]
17. // may be ivell with thee, and that thy days may be long, upon the land [which]
18. the Lord thy God giveth thee. (14) 77iou shalt not coininit adultery,
(13) Tliou shalt do no murder. (15) Thou shalt n[ot]
19. [st]eal. (16) Thou shalt not [bear] vain witness against thy neighbour.
(17) Thou shalt not covet [///;']
20. [neighbour's wife. Thou shalt n]ot covet thy neighbour'' s h'\_ou'\se, or his fi^elil],
21. [or his man-servant, or his maid-servant, or his o]x, or his ass, or anything
that is thy neighbour's,
22. [.? And these are the statute]s and the judgements which Moses commanded the
[? children of]
S3. \_? Israeli in the wilderness, -when, they went forth from the land of Egypt
(Deut. vi, 4). Hea[r]
24. [O Israe]l ; the Lord our God, one Lord is He .' (5) and thou shalt l[ove]
25. [the Lord thy] G[od with al]l t[hy heart, etc.].
Jan. 14] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Letter of M. Edouard Naville, D.C.L.
{Professeiir de V Egyptologie a VUniversite de Geneve.)
II serait fort desirable que les egyptologues peuvent se mettre
d'accord pour avoir un systeme commun de transcription. Cet
accord n'esl pas pres de se faire dans ce moment-ci. Aussi vaut-il
peut-etre mieux laisser chaque savant employer dans les publications
de la Societe la transcription de son choix. J'estime cependant
qu'on pourrait arriver a un accord partiel qui serait deja en progres,
a une entente entre les egyptologues qui ne se rattachent pas a I'ecole
de Berlin, c'est-a-dire qui ne sont pas divises entre eux par un
pr" iripe fondamental, car a tout prendre, ils ne different que sur des
p 1 ts secondaire.s, tels que I'emploi des points diacritiques ou des
1 ntres doubles.
En revanche il n'y a guere de compromis possible entre ces
•anscriptions e,t celle de I'ecole de Berlin, ou, pour employer un
inot moins personnel, des neo-grammairiens. Celle-ci, il me semble,
ne peut pas etre modifiee, il faut la prendre telle quelle ou la
rejeter, parce qu'elle est la consequence directe et logique du point de
depart. Pour la nouvelle ecole la langue egyptienne est une langue
semitique ; elle n'ecrit, par consequent, que des consonnes, et la
grammaire egyptienne doit etre reconstituee en harmonic avec ces
memes langues. Or, a bon sens, en depit d'une somme enorme de
travail, en depit de toute la sagacite, de tous les rapprochements
ingenieux que les avocats de cette idee ont apportes dans I'exposition
de leur systeme, la preuve que la langue egyptienne est une langue
semitique n'est pas encore faite, et Ton peut meme douter du succes
final de ceux qui ont tente' I'entreprise.
Je laisse de cote ce qui touche a la grammaire proprement dite,
comme le pseudo-participe ; je m'en tiens a la transcription seule.
Qu'on relise le travail fondamental sur ce sujet, celui de M.
57
Jan, 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
Steindorff* et ceux qui ont suivi, MM. Erman et Sethe, et Ton
verra que la raisonnement revient a deux arguments qui s'entie-
repondent ; I'egyptien est une langue semitique, done il n'ecrit que
des consonnes ; et celui-ci, qui est la replique du precedent : les
soi-disant voyelles egyptiennes sont des consonnes, parce que
I'egyptien est une langue semitique.t
A I'appui de leur these, les neo-grammairiens fait avec raison un
grand usage du copte. Mais lorsqu'on se sert de cette langue, il
y a un fait qu'on oublie trop souvent : c'est que le copte n'est que la
plus ancienne transcription de I'egyptien. Ce n'est pas I'alphabet ne
avec la langue, et qui s'est developpe parallelenient au langage parle,
c'est un alphabet etranger, d'un caractere tr^s-different, puisqu'il n'est
plus question de syllabaire, qui a ete impose tout fait a I'ancienne
langue, et dans les limites duquel il a fallu faire entrer I'egyptien
tant bien que mal. La preuve que ce nouvel habit ne s'adoptait pas
trop bien a sa taille, c'est qu'il a fallu I'allonger de six caractbres.
On se demande alors comment il se fait quand on inventait de nouveaux
signes pour representer des articulations, qui devaient differer aussi
peu que le CJ du cj), qu'on n'en ait pas cree pour ces soi-disant
consonnes: (I, ^s^ , a, (1(1, ^v\, et que la place de ces
consonnes soit invariablement occupee en copte par des voyelles.
Si dans UJTll, I'CU n'est pas la voyelle ^^ de ^
comment se fait-il qu'en copte il n'existe point de signe pour la
consonne v\ , qui cependant se retrouve dans les textes egyptiens de
la plus basse epoque ?
II est aise de voir que dans la transcription copte on a reproduit
le mieux possible avec les lettres qu'on avait a sa disposition, les
sons tels qu'on les entendait. C'est I'oreille qui a ete le guide de
ceux qui pour la premiere fois ont ecrit en copte des mots egyptiens,
et de la viennent les divergences dans la maniere dont une meme
voyelle peut etre rendue. M. Steindorff considere comme impossible
que/ in) ou = (^s,) ■'^oient des voyelles, parce que ces lettre
correspondent tantot a un /, tantot a un 0, tantot un 0, tantot un e.
Mais je me permettrai de faire observer a men savant confrere que
* Zeitschr. dcr Deutschcn Morq;. Gcs., 1852, p. 709, et suiv.
t SteincIorfV, locciL, p. 723.
58
Jan. 14] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
c'est ce que nous voyons dansun grand n ombre delangues modernes.
Qu'on essaye, par exemple, de transcrire a la frani^^iise les differents
sons de chaque voyelle de I'anglais. Pour chacun il faudra employer
deux ou trois signes differents : Va que I'anglais appelle e, vous le
transcrirez c dans le mot grave, par un <' dans avy ou J^a// Mall, par
une sorte dV dans a\\, par un a d^Y\% father, un a dans have, par un
e muet dans I'article a. Ul s'appelle d'un nom diphone a'l, et se
prononce ainsi dans le pronom /, ou le mot ivo7'y, tandis qu'il est un
/" dans^f/ ou image. \Ju a aussi un nom diphone, ion, et se prononce
ainsi dans ridicule, tandis que c'est un simple ouddin?, pull. LV dans
oiw a un son diphone, oiione. On pourrait multiplier les exemples.
En allemand regardez ce que sont les voyelles dans les dialectes
de la Suisse allemande ; prennez le premier mot venu r geht&'sX a Berne
geit, deux heures plus loin got. Ja est ici Je la Jo. Admettant
qu'on voulut changer I'ecriture et reproduire tous ces mots tels qu'on
les entend, on arriverait pour chaque voyelle originelle a une variete
de sons au moins aussi grande que celle que M. Steindorff appelle une
impossibilite.
D'autre part, si Ton considere les changements qui se sont
produits dans les voyelles en passant du latin au fran^ais, et mfeme
deja a I'italien ; quand on voit que Ye de decern est devenu died, dix,
Xi de pirus poirier, etc., on ne saurait s'etonner de ce que dans une
langue qui a dure quatre mille ans au has mot, le son des voyelles
ait change, et que chacune ait eu plusieurs sons monophones ou
diphones, tandis que le signe ecrit ^^. ou v\ restait toujours le
rneme.
La principale objection que j'ai contre la transcription des neo-
grammairiens, c'est qu'a mon sens elle est erronee. EUe cree des
consonnes la ou il n'y a que des voyelles. Je ne sais trouver ni dans
le copte ni dans I'egyptien ces finales en etv, en ej, ces pluriels owet,
ojue, ces 'eJ re Jeiv (Seth. I, p. 8) et autres lectures du meme genre.
Ce sont des formes artificielles creees d'apres les principes que la
nouvelle ecole croit avoir etablis : formes souvent fort ingenieuses, et
qui supposent beaucoup de science chez ceux qui les ont decouvertes,
mais qui n'en sont pas moins quelquechose de factice.
Je me bornerai a examiner deux des signes dont on fait des
consonnes. M. Erman nous dit, en parlent de v\, "dass das v\ ein
Consonant ist, zeigt das Koptische wo das ihm entsprechende onf
59
Ian. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
als Stammconsonant gezahlt wird." Si V\ = Of, je demanderai .
pourquoi on ne le transcrit pas par oi/, ou bien // prononce comme en
allemand? Depuis quand le son ou est-il une consonne ? J'admets
que dans certains cas ou remplace une consonne, comme dans le
fran^ais douter, mais il n'en est pas moins une voyelle, conmie dans
le mot ouvrir. Le parallelisme avec les langues semitiques ne
permettait pas la transcription ou, c'est pourquoi on a adopte le %i<.
On nous dit que c'est le lo anglais, qui est en effet une consonne
quoiqu'il se prononce 00 (Webster's Diet.). Mais ne voit-on pas que
la correspondance n'existe nullement entre le iv anglais et ToT
copte. Le 7i< ne peut pas se prononcer seul ; pour le faire sonner il
faut une voyelle ; c'est le contraire pour le OT copte. Non seule-
ment il se prononce seul, mais il precede ou suit les consonnes, de
maniere a en permetter la prononciation. C'est une voyelle dans le
sens propre du mot. Que le son ou ait un certaine affinite avec le v
cela est certain ; mais le v me parait rendu plus souvent par le ^,
comme dans le nom de ^IKTCJOp, Victor.
II en est a peu pres de meme du son (1(1, /. L'/ a sans doute
une tendance a devenir une demi-consonne, quand il est suivi d'une
voyelle. En franyais pour distinguer ces cas on a adopte pour Xi
consonne ley; mais on sait que les anciennes ecritures n'avaient qu'une
seule lettre / (Littre), Dans la transcription nouvelle, tous les (Iq
sont des j. Cette lettre 7 oil est-elle en copte? et si elle existait en
egyptien, pourquoi n'a-t-elle pas d'equivalent dans la nouvelle
ecriture? Pourquoi cet equivalent n'est-il pas la voyelle/? Par
exemple, le verbe l|(l est en copte /. II est transcrit ij, qui exige
une ou deux voyelles de renfort. Voila un mot qui me parait cree de
toutes pieces, et qui n'est ni du copte ni de I'egyptien. De meme le
verbe (1(1 ;j;;w>^ me semble transcrit tres-exactemenl en copte :
IU3 ou eiCO [1(1 = i qui a pu etre prononce 61, et CO correspondant
''v 1' D comme dans ®-T-.
AAAAAA 1
On en a fait I'j ou j'j. La raison de cette transcription saute
aux yeux; elle est la consequence du principe fondamental. II
faut cjue dans des mots comme t^^ t\ (](] ^7^, \^ puisse etre
60
Jan. 14] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
le troisieme radical semitique. (Sethe.) Cette transcription j
me parait aussi justifiee que si en fran^ais on remplagent tous les /
par des j. Cela donnerait a la langue une singuliere physionomie.
Bien des mots n'existeraient plus, comme le mot : prit, il n'y aurait
plus que projet. Je mentionne seulement une derniere considera-
tion qui m'empeche de voir dans ces lettres des consonnes ; c'est le
facilite avec laquelle on les omet dans I'ecriture, tandis que si elles
etaient des radicaux faisant partie de la charpente du mot (Stamm-
consonnants) on ne s'en passerait pas ainsi ad libitum.
En resume, je continuerai a me servir d'une transcription analogue
a celle de Lepsius. Cette transcription peut etre perfectionnee dans
les details, mais pour ce qui est des consonnes les divergences entre
les egyptologues ne sont pas grandes. Pour les voyelles je ne vois
pas d'inconvenient a conserver aussi la transcription de Lepsius.
L'essentiel c'est que ces signes soient transcrits par des voyelles.
Quant au son qu'on attribue a chacun, ce sera tou jours une convention,
puisque le son a varie, et qu'un meme signe peut en avoir plusieurs.
61
Jan. 14]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/LOLOGY.
[1903-
A SEAL-CYLINDER
Belonging to Mr. H. S. Cowpek, F.S.A.
Bv Prof. A. H. Savce, LL.D.
"*w2***^
- '"g^-
Mr. H. S. Cowper's interesting seal-cylinder troni Homs is a fine
specimen of the class to which it belongs. It represents a Syrian
imitation of the gem-cutter's art of early Babylonia, and takes us
back to the period when the conquests of Sargon of Akkad brought
Babylonian influences to the West. Mr. Cowper tells me that in
the Louvre he has noticed a cylinder with three zones of subjects
which are analogous with those on his own seal ; the second zone
representing an eagle rising between kneeling bulls, while in the
third zone birds are walking one behind the other in a sort of frieze.
The heraldic position of the bulls has a parallel in that of the
bulls on the magnificent cylinder of Sargon of Akkad, an illustration
of which will be found in Maspero's Daivn of Civilisation, p. 601.
For man-headed bulls a seal figured by Lajard {Rccherches siir le
Ciilte du Cypres, IX, 2) must be referred to, though here the faces
are in profile only ; see also Menant's Colkctioi de Cleraj, VII, 61,
and for a snake-haired winged demon, Lajard, Culte de Miihra,
LXVIII, 20. A man-headed bull is depicted on the coins of
Paphos (Six, Du classement des scries Cypriotes, 1883).
The eagle reminds us of the double-headed eagle which was the
token or heraldic symbol of Lagos (Tello) ; on a Cypriote cylinder
discovered by Gen. di Cesnola an eagle is engraved which is a
counterpart of that on Mr. Cowper's seal (Di Cesnola, Cyprus,
XXXIII, 24). In the Cypriote specimen the eagle has a goat and
62
Jan. 14] SEPTUAGINT RENDERING OF 2 KINGS, xix, 26. [1903.
a fish on one side of it, a hand on the other. A similar eagle is
met with on one of the Mykengean sealings found by Mr. Hogarth
at Zakro in Krete {^Journal of Hellenic Siudies, XXII, [1902],
PI. VI, 27). On another of the sealings the eagle has the breasts
nnd legs of a woman {/rl., p. 79).
What is meant by the man stabbing a locust with a dart I
cannot say.
THE SEPTUAGINT RENDERING OF 2 KINGS, xix, 26.
By Dr. E. Nestle.
At the end of his suggestive article on " The so-called Qinnta
of 4 Kings" {Froceedi?igs, Vol. XXIV, p. 219), Mr. F. C. Burkitt
writes : '• It is difficult to see why Trarrj/Lia was chosen to render the
rare word HDI^- Most likely it was a mere guess derived from
the context."
Klostermann thought of confusion with fli^tZ^, Am. ii, 7 ;
The Dictionary of Gesenius-Buhl (s.v. nSItT) suggests mis-spelling
for D^ir>.
May I be permitted to suggest a reference to the Egyptian
Shadoof or Sdkiehl i.e., "watering-machine,"' one kind of which is
called sdkieh tedur birrijl, i.e., '' watering-machine that turns by the
foot." A description of it from Lane's Modern Egyptians is given
in Driver's Commentary on Deut. xi, 10; and a picture of it in
Bissel's Biblical Antiquities, p. 184. I cannot here enter into a
discussion of the etymology of the word shadoof; but certainly this
Septuagint rendering Trdnj^ia must play a part in it, and cannot be
attributed to a mere guess or to a corruption of the Hebrew text.
On the contrary, it corroborates the latter in the most desirable way.
63
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37, Great
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Wednesday, February
nth, 1903, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
Prof. Edouard Naville, D.C.L. : — "The Egyptian Name of
Joseph."
64
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Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1903.
NOTICES
Subscriptions to the Society become due on the ist of January
each year. Those Members in arrear for the current year are
requested to send the amount, ;£i is., at once to Messrs. Lloyds'
Bank, Limited, 16, St. James's Street, S.W.
Papers proposed to be read at the Monthly Meetings must be
sent to the Secretary on or before the loth of the preceding month.
Members bavins; New Members to propose, are requested to send
in the names of the Candidates on or before the loth of the month
preceding the meeting at which the names are to be submitted to
the Council.
A few complete sets of the publications of the Society can be
obtained by application to the Secretary, W. L. Nash, 37, Great
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
The Library of the Society, at 37, Great Russell Street,
Bloomsbury, W.C, is open to Members on Monday, Wednesday,
and Friday, between the hours of 1 1 and 4, when the Secretary
is in attendance to transact the general business of the Society.
As the new list of members will shortly be printed. Members are
requested to send any corrections or additions they may wish to have
made in the list which was published in Vol. IX of the Tran$actio?is.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
Second Meeting, i\ih February, 190;;
Sir H. HOU'ORTH, K.C.I.E., &-c.,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^■-^■
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From F. Legge : — The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia.
By A. H. Sayce, D.D., LL.D. Svo. Edinburgh, 1902.
From G. Maspero, Directeur Gen. dcs Antiquiics de V Egypte : —
Guide du Visiteur au Musee du Caire. Svo. Cairo, 1902.
From Rev. C. A. de Cara, SJ. : — La scoperta delle tombe nel
Foro Romano. Civilta Catto/ica, January, 1903.
[No, CLXXXVIII.] 65 E
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FOLOGY. [1903.
From Paul Hauj^t : — Markstcine aus der Weltliteratur in Original-
scliriften. Folio. 1902,
The Book of Canticles, or the Song of Songs, Svo, 1902.
The Ephod, its form and use. Svo. 1902.
The origin of the Pentateuch. Svo. 1S95.
From W. L. Nash : — Journal of a Visit to some parts of Ethiopia.
By Waddington and Hanbury. 4to. 1822.
Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Medinah and Mecca.
By Capt. Sir R. F. Burton. 2 vols. Svo. 1893.
From the Author, Joseph Lewin : — -Bible Records of the Earth's
Changes. Svo. 1902.
From the Author, Prof. E. Naville : — La Pierre de Palerme.
Folio. 1903.
From the Author, Prof. Ur. Schiifer. — Commentary on Papyrus
Ebers. 4to. 1903.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society : —
Henry Proctor, 146, Mallinson Road, Clapham Common, S.W
Joseph J. Mooney, 172, Church Street, Deptford, S.E.
E. Nathan Adler, 48, Copthall Avenue, E.C.
The following Paper was read : —
Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L.; " The Egyptian Name of Joseph."
The Paper was discussed by Dr. Gaster, Rev. Dr. Lowy,
Dr. Pinches, Mr. Rouse, Mr. Adler, and the Chairman.
66
PLATE I,n. THE ROOK OF THE DEAD.
£iteitr=Ty
>.iI<v®<E//'l"
1
y
^••^^
-,4.1-
■X
1
J
1
ii'^'^^^^
'§M^'^'T^'M
Chapter CL. British Museum, 9900.
Fek II] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By Prof. Edouard Naville, D.C.L.
{^Continued f)-om p. 10.)
CHAPTER CyilAY.— continued.
The thirteenth domain. O this domain of the water, which
none of the glorious ones can possess, for its water is of fire, its
stream is burning, and its heat is of blazing flame, so that they may
not drink its water in order to quench the thirst which is within
them, for their mighty fear, and their great terror.
The gods and the glorious ones look at its water from afar, they
do not quench their thirst, and their heart is not set at rest, because
they may not go near it.
When the river is full and green like the flowing sap which
comes out of Osiris, I take its water, I draw from its flood like the
great god who is in the domain of the water, and who keeps watch
•over it for fear that the gods may drink from its water, and who
inspires dread to the glorious ones.
Hail to thee, thou great god, who art in the domain of the water.
I have come to thee. Grant me to take of thy water, to take of thy
stream, as thou doest to this great god.
When the Nile will come, when he will give birth to the plants,
and cause the herbs to grow ; as it is given to the gods, when he
appears in peace, grant that the Nile may come to me, and that I
may take his plants ; for I am thy own son for ever.
The fourteenth domain. O this domain of Cher-aba (15), which
drives the Nile towards Tattu, and which causes the Nile to go and
67 E 2
Fei:. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGY. [1903.
spend its corn in his course from Rokekiiii/ {16) ; thou which pre-
sentest offerings to the dead, and mortuary gifts to the glorious ones.
There is a serpent belonging to it, who comes from the two wells
at Elephantine, at the gate of the water. He goes with the water,
and stops at the stream of Cher-aba, near the powers of the high
flood ; he sees his hour of the silent evening.
\e gods who live in the water of Cher-aba, ye powers ot the
high flood, open to me your ponds, open to me your lakes, that I
may take of your water, and that I may rest in your stream, that I
may eat of your corn, that I may be satisfied with your food.
I have risen, my heart is high, for I am the great god in
Cher-aba.
Make me offerings. I have been filled with the vital sap coming
out of Osiris. I shall not be despoiled of it. The end.
Notes.
This is one of the interesting chapters of the Book of the Dead.
It is more frequently met with than the other ones, and it generally
constitutes the end of the Theban papyri. It is the chapter of the
various domains which the deceased has to reach, and in which he
enjoys special privileges.
The vignettes generally give the plan of the domain, and very
often the colour with which it is painted; they are either green
I v\ or light yellow '^ [I o. In most of the papyri there are
only four yellow — 3, 9, 10, and 14.
Renouf tran.slates \\ \\ "domain" (p. 208). Dr. Budge
keeps the word aaf, and considers them as the divisions of the
Elysian fields. Tierret translates deineiiir, E5rugsch siege, demeun\
liabitafiou. I shall adopt Renoufs word, though j-esidoicc or
hahitatio". seems to me preferable. An [I ^^, is an enclosed
space which has inhabitants described or mentioned in the text.
The deceased calls first on the domain, and often in the same breath
goes over to the inhabitants without any transition.
1. The second domain is the horizon. The text of the vignette
says : the god who is in it is Harmachis. The text to this domain
being a re[)etiti()n of chapter 109, I adopt Renoufs translation
(p. 181.)
2. The third domain is called "that of the glorious ones."
68
Fek. II] THE BOOK OF THE DKAI). [1903.
3. The moon. J^ reads =^-[|--VI'fi"ll"V[[ii^^
'' on the face of the sun, and on the face of the moon."
4. The deceased speaks of himself as a magician who can cover
the head of the serpent without being hurt. The eyes of the
serpent, which have the power of paralyzing, of making impotent
(see seventh domain), are given him ; the result is, that when he
goes to the mountain on which the serpent shows his strength, this
strength collapses, as the deceased says : thy strength is in my hand ;
I am he who lifts, who takes away the strength.
5. Renouf generally translates ^^ ^ ^ 1 tunnels. See
p. 126, and Proc, 1893, p. 385 ; but here we must adopt the other
sense, serpent or worms. Copt. ,d.KOpi.
6. Or Secher-remii, he who knocks down the worm, or he who
knocks down the fishes.
7. Ka and serpent have killed each other.
8. The lynx (see note, p. 82, on chapter 34). It seems to
be the cat who is represented in the vignettes of chapter 17,
cutting off the head of the serpent.
9. This is a chapter found on the sarcophagus of Amam in the
British Museum : it has the title M V ^ ;^ \^ ?^ ,
"taking the form of a vulture" (see p. 139) : I should rather say
a goose.
10. The ninth domain, Akset or Aksi, has the form of a vase,
which a crocodile called Maatetf touches with his snout.
11. The words are obscure, I believe them to mean: Akset
was made such as it is, in order that, &:c.
12. The tenth domain is called that which is at the mouth of
the stream.
13. I cannot translate the following words.
14. The destruction of the name means absolute destruction 01
the person.
15. I have kept the reading Cher-aba, which Renouf advocates,
in opposition to Cher-aha, adopted by most egyptologists.
16. I believe this name, which is spelt differently in each
papyrus, to be the origin of the Kpwcpi and Mw0/, these two rocks
mentioned by Herodotus (II, 28), out of which issues the Niles.
There are hardly any variants in the vignettes which accompany
the text of the chapter of the domains.
69
Feb. nj SOCIKTV OK BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOCiV. [1903.
Chapter CL.
Notes.
This is not a separate chapter: it stands to 149 as 16 to 15. It
consists of the vignettes accompanying chapter 149, and it is the
end of many papyri. Curiously, there are fifteen domains instead of
fourteen, one of them, the fifth, seems to have been divided into two.
At the corner of the picture are four serpents, which I consider
as the four cardinal points.
Taking the domains in the same order as in the preceding text,
we find them named in the following way in the papyrus Aa : —
1. The good Amenta, the gods within which live on s/ieus and /u
loaves.
2. The garden of Aarru; the god in it is Ra.
3. The domain of the glorious ones.
4. The high and lofty mountain.
5. The basin, the fire of which is a blazing flame ; the front of
the fire, the god in it is the bearer of altars.
6. Amemhet, the god in it is he who knocks down the fishes.
7. Asset.
8. Hasert, the god in it is the bearer of heaven.
9. Akset, the god in it is Maatetf.
10. The face of the Kahu gods.
11. Aat, the god in it is Sothis.
12. The domain of Unt, the god in it is the destroyer of souls,
13. The surface of the water, the god in it is the mighty powci.
14. The domain of Cher-aba, the god in it is the Nile.
(To be contitiiied.)
70
Fkk. II] CYLINDER SKALS. [1903.
CYLINDER-SEALS.
BELONGING TO MR. H. A. KIGG.
By T. G. Pinches, LL.D.
The Cylinder-seals illustrated on the accompanying Plate were
found at Salamis, and were purchased by Mr. Rigg in 1892 at the
sale of the Cypriote Antiquities collected by General di Cesnola.
Their description is as follows : —
Fig. I. Ironstone (haematite) cylinder, ],^;ths of an inch high, and
yVths in diameter. The central figure is apparently a worshipper,
bringing an offering of a bird to the goddess on the left, towards
whom his face is turned. On the right is a figure occupying a
position corresponding with that of the goddess, and looking like-
wise towards her (to the left). This last is probably the west-
Semitic form of the "divine attendant," who appears in analogous
scenes on cylinders from Babylonia. All three figures are robed to
the feet, the central one (the worshipper) being bare-headed, whilst
the others have a head-cloth hanging down behind to the shoulders.
The figure on the left has the left arm, and the other two the right
arm, raised, the worshipper holding aloft in his hand the bird. At
each end (engraved in the space corresponding with the back of the
cylinder) is a winged griffin, seated on its haunches, looking to the
right, and below a lion in the same position, looking' to the left.
Between the goddess and the worshipper is an object apparently
intended for an ass's head, cut off behind the jaw, facing right, and
behind the worshipper is something whose form suggests a pulley
placed horizontally. These objects recall Hittite hieroglyphics.
The work is probably Cypriote, and is not by any means well
finished. The arm of the goddess on the left is bent at the elbow,
71
Fee. ii] SOCIETY OF ISIBLICAL ARCILFOLOCV. [1903.
but the hand is not indicated. The same may also be said of the
other figures, the extension of their arms to the right (they ought to
bend to the left) being due to the exaggeration of the elbow, caused
by the "slide" of the cylinder when the impression was taken; all
the figures in the reproduction are, in fact, broader than in the
original.
In Prof. Sayce's notes on the cylinders in General Cesnola's
collection {Sala)>ii>iia, p. 120), he says that this cylinder shows the
presentation of a dove to Astarte. He describes the style as
Phoenico-Egyptian strongly coloured by Assyrian art.
Fig. II. Ironstone cylinder, one inch high by a little more than
||ths in diameter. To the left are two figures, winged, and clothed
in garments reaching to the feet, with short sleeves, somewhat
l)uffed at the shoulders, and girded at the waist. The neck of the
right-hand figure terminates in two eagles' heads, slanting upwards
right and left, and small in proportion to the body. 'Phe right arm
of this figure touches the strangely-formed sacred tree on the left, as
does the left arm of the left-hand figure, whose abnormally thick
neck ends in two lions' heads, looking right and left. These two —
the lion-headed and eagle-headed figures — evidently form a group
by themselves. On the right is an eagle-headed (or hawk-headed)
figure, whose position in the design should evidently be on the other
side, and looking towards the lion-headed figure. He holds in his
left hand a gazelle by one of its hind legs, one forefoot of the animal
resting on the ground, and the head being stretched upwards to-
wards him. In his right hand he holds a strange-looking weapon,
terminaiing in an animal's head, but it is doubtful whether the two
lines at the end form part of it, or of some crest or crown on his
head. As it was necessary to show his arm clearly, together with
the weapon he is holding, his left wing only is represented. To all
appearance he is offering the gazelle to the lion-headed figure, that
with the double bird's head having already received one, which he
is holding up in a position very similar to that of the bird-headed
personage who is bringing a gazelle to the lion-headed figure. Like
the first, the work is rather rough, and, notwithstanding its peculi-
arities, seems to be genuine. A sketch of a cylinder resembling this
one is given in Salaintnia, fig, 31, on the plate facing page 120.
The design is divided differently, and is reproduced as on the original
— i.e., reversed. In the accompanying note Prof. Sayce points out
72
Feb. II] CYLINDEK-SEALS. [1903.
tliat all the figures wear boots with turned-up ends, and he describes
the work as Babylonian.
Fig. III. Cylinder of a very hard grey stone, described by
Cesnola as jasper, but probably steatite hardened by long ex-
posure to the air. Height, just under one inch, diameter about
yVths. Grotesque design, formed of straight lines for the bodies
and limbs of the figures, and beads for their heads. Two seated
figures, that on the right with his arms raised, as if supporting the line
which may be regarded as representing the roof, the other with the
arms down, very short, and having no indication of hands. These
two personages are opposite each other, and have between them a
standing figure, with an inordinately long nose or beak, which extends
almost to the face of the seated figure on the left. On the extreme
left, in the blank space above, is a smaller figure, probably intended
for a child. The two seated figures and the small one seem to be
provided with short noses, apparently indicating the direction in
which the figures themselves are to be regarded as looking, and if
this be the case, the seated figure on the left is looking towards the
one with the long nose {i.e., to the right), and the other seated figure
away from that with the long nose {i.e., likewise to the right), with
the head turned back, as if to look at the little one, who is looking
towards the last-named {i.e., to the left). A globe or ball is shown
between the seated figure with the arms raised and the standing
figure, and another below the child, between the back part of the
seats of the two seated figures.
Compare Salaminia, PI. XII, No. 12, which is in a similar style
and apparently gives the same design with variations ; compare also
No. 19 and others on PL XIII. See also de Clercq, PI. IV, No. 30.
Fig. IV. Ironstone cylinder, ^'ths of an inch high, diameter
slightly over a fourth of an inch. On the right, two figures, perhaps
a king (left) and a god (right), or a god (left) and a worshipper
(right). Between them, above, a beaded ring, perhaps some emblem ;
below, apparently a fish, tail downwards. On the left, two emblems
resembling the Egyptian aiih, base to base {i.e., the loop of the upper
one at the top, and that of the lower at the bottom). Farther to the
left, and connected with it, is a kind of floral ornament — perhaps
part of the sacred tree — with one bud opening to the left, three to
the right, one upwards, and one downwards. The workmanship is
73
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FOLOGY. [1903.
rough and careless in the extreme — so much so that it is difificult to-
make out all the details. Probably Assyrian work, or an imitation
of it, the costume of the left-hand figure, who has a dress opening in
front, being that of the Assyrian seals and sculptures.
Fig. V. Cylinder of steatite, surface bluish-black, but greyish
in the engraved parts. In the centre a deity seated on a high stool,
and holding in the left hand a cup. Before the deity, a personage
standing, holding in the left hand a crooked sword. Behind him is
seemingly the head of a long-eared animal, frontface, but if this be
so, the upper lip is inordinately large, and the eyes and cheeks are
hardly indicated. (This object is repeated on the left-hand side of
the impression.) On the left, behind the seated figure, is a lion,
seated on his hind legs, which stretch out stiffly to the right, whilst
the right foreleg is directed upwards, and the left down. In all
probability this animal is the protector of the seated deity. The
work is very rough and full of mannerisms, the bodies of the figures
being very thin, and their skirts, which have a fishbone pattern, very
wide at the base in proportion. Between the standing and the
seated figure is what may be intended for a vase, and between
(behind) the seated figure and the lion is an unrecognisable object.
The engraver has, in every case, left himself much too little room
for the heads, and he has also not been careful to engrave the deity's
stool upright.
74
Proc. Soc. Bibl. ArcJi., Fehritm-y, 1903.
II.
-r
V'%^^7'J^:A^'^
«»*• s #
III.
IV.
CYLINDER-SEALS.
Belonging to Mr. H. A. Rigg.
Feb. II] LA RELIGION ASSVRO-UABVLOXIENXE. [1903-
MATERIAUX POUR L'ETUDE DE LA RELIGION
ASSYRO-BABYLONIENNE.
By Alfred PJoissier.
{Contiujted from p. 29.)
Un autre terme, que je me suis toujours abstenu de traduire et
qui revient souvent dans les omina, ou il designe une partie de
la victime de I'examen de laquelle on pronostique I'avenir, est
le C^^ff ', je me suis demande s'il ne designait pas un de ces
organes peu honorables du genre de ceux dont il vient d'etre
question et voici sur quoi je m'appuie : dans II R. 16, 20, E.F.,
il est parle du daddaru, c.-a.-d. d'une matiere qui est corrompue,
sent mauvais, autrement dit d'une eau dans laquelle il y a du
^^yy ; dans II R. 16, 20 et 21, E.F., daddaru correspond a
^^tt t?TT'^^^*^ "^"^T ^TfK Tt '^'^' ^^ nieme que ;««-;-//</« = (1. 24)
^tlT ^*{- ^IIT^ Ty ^*{~ • I^^ ^'^te des significations de t^ff et
de ses composes (Briinnow, p. 185 et 186) nous montre que c'est
I'hebreu nN!i excrement, ordure, et peut-etre qu'un certain nombre
d'omina comme celui public' III R. 55, No. 4, se rapportent au
•SI = nb^!i et font allusion aux ordures ou aux emanations fetides,
T ••
dont chaque mois de I'annee le pays pouvait craindre les conse-
quences funestes, epidemies, maladies, etc. Que X^\\ ait aussi le
sens de fiel, poche du fiel, tout ce qui contient du liquide corrompu,
amer, vessie, etc., cela est indiscutable. La connaissance des omina
depend en grande partie de celle de tous ces termes fondamentaux,
■"^ N'est-ce pas plutot jyj ? ; J'ai traduit un des textes pulilie.> II K. 16 dans
la Revue Shnitique.
75
lEi:. iij SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1903.
€t la difficullc reside dans la concision extreme des phrases, ou Ton
ne irouve aucun i)oint d'api)ui. Cette petite digression nous ramene
<iux documents auguraux i)ublies i)ar S. A. Smith, et sur lesquels il
convient de dire encore quelques mots avant d'en faire I'objet d'une
etude plus vaste ; il est a remanjuer, que souvent Yomcii proprement
dit fiiit defaut, est sous-entendu ou suppose connu du consultant ;
c'est ainsi que K. 4, K. 159, K. 1523 {cf. S. A. Smith, loc. cit.), ne
<lonnent le presage ([ue dans un certain nombre de cas.
K. 4, obv., 11. 4, 6, 7.
K. 159, obv., 11. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9.
Les trois textes precites renferment chacun un paragraphe distinct
des autres (K. 1523, 11. 14-16; K. 4, 1. 12-17; ^- 1^59; ^1- 14-18),
iivec les questions dont on attend la reponse ; cela s'explique ainsi :
etant donnees les consequences connues d'apres les observations
faites sur le un, le gh; le /'/>, etc., quelle est la signification de
chacun des signes enumeres dans ce paragraphe, et ces signes sont ils
favorables dans tel cas pour telle personne et specialement _poiir la
■personnc dont le iioni est ccrit sur cette tablette (K. 1523 + K. 1436?
Obv., 1. 17). Ainsi dans K. 159 nous voyons que: —
L. I. Si le na se trouve, que le ^^/> est double, que le gir gauche
sur le gir droit se trouve.
Summa NA sakin GIR II . ma, GIR sumelu eli GIR imni sakin.
],. 2. I.'ennemi ses amies contre I'armee du prince ....?....
Nakru kakkesu eli kakke rubi imarru ?^"
L. 3. Si le dan ne se trouve pas, il y aura nibhu (niphu).
Summa DAN la sakin, nibhu.
L. 4. Si a la droite du iia'^'^ il y a un enfoncement, salut de mon
armee.
Summa ina imitti NA U nadi salimtu ummani.
'' Lc sens de ^^^^ parail cUe, "' reniporter sur." Ja rappclleiai ici que dans
iin autre omen on lil : Si une l)iel)is iiKi an monde un Ijreuf, lc prince ses armes
contre (sur) celles de i'ennenii ^^^^ {\>-^>*-^' Ailleurs : Si un .« est comma
un liibirru, les armes contre (sur) les armes de ton ennenii 't'>^x\\ y>-»->->- ([lour
kibin-ti, cf. Del., IJJV., p. 316).
"* Na = inahirtn, II R. 29, 29, designe une partie du corps de meme que
kabbarin et qabballn : le sens parait etre la poitrine, mais dans ces textes il regne
line ccrtaine incertitude louchant la sii^nitication precise.
■ 76
Feb. II] LA RELIGION ASSVRO-BABVLOXILXNE. [1903.
Le § qui renferme les questions specialement adressct-s dans le cas
particulier est concu ainsi :
L. 14. Si le ,^/V- est double que le ^V;- gauche sur le gir droit se
trouve.
Summa GIR II . ma GIR sumelu eli GIR imni sakin.
L. 15. vSi le dan ne se trouve pas, qu'a la droite du na, il y a urn
enfoncement (trou).
Summa DAN la sakin ina imitti NA U nadi.
L. 16. Si le kutallii^'^ du foie a droite est coupe.
Summa kutal HAR imni nakis. -'•
].. 17. Si le (la) bamat (sati) sur le kubsii s'eleve.
Summa bamatu (SA . TI) eli kubsi HU . SI.
L. 18. 5 signes enigmatiques (quoique contraires) dedans.
V TAG.mes ina libbi.
L. 19. Lui sont-ils favorables? oii
SI . BIR - mes ianu.-i
L. 20. Doit-il?
TAG . at.
L'on voit par ces exemples que la premiere person ne est souvent
employee dans la partie des phrases, qui renferme la reponse des
oracles. Ex. : —
K. 4, obv., 1. 7.
Si le kibsi~~ gauche du si s'eleve (il y aura) kibsi de I'armee
ennemie a mon pays.
Summa kibsi sumeli SI HU .SI, kibsi umman nakri ana matiia.
K. 159, obv., 1. 7.
Si le siisi et le bir sont sains.
Summa SU . SI u BIR salmu.
'^ Paitie posterieure ou cote, ici le premier sens est plus probable.
-" Ecrit na-gi-is.
-' lAmi = oui ou non ? mais le verbe Tag. <?/ = ilappat ' exige de Iraduire
iaim par " ou " ; le sens n'est pas clair.
- Kib&i, IV R. 58, Col. II, I. 21 ; ce /vVw a-t-il quelque chose a voir avec
K'33 marchepied? cf. aussi Cambyse, 415, lb 2 ct 5.
Fkb. n] SOCIHTV OF 15I15LICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1903.
L. 8. Si le kuialhi du foie a droite est coupe, tranchement de
tete (il y aura).
Summa kutal HAR imni nakis, nikis qaqqadi.
L. 9. Changement de la disposition d'esprit de men armee-'^
sane temi ummaniia.
Dans un des plus obscurs presages on rencontre cette phrase : —
Si risku est double que les I . RI . A se trouvent, Nebo et Ansar
marcheront avec mon arniee et je battrai I'ennemi.
Summa IS.KU II ma I . RI . A saknu ilu Nabu u AN . SAR
itti ummani illakuma nakra adak.
Ailleurs le roi parle des dieux secoureurs {risua, c.-a.-d.
mes aides), et qui sont tantot Samas et Istar, tantot les dieux
t^:S; <tE t-V. et J^JI! it<\] >£Tir ^] ^] Vf^' "^^^i« les
dieux qui accompagnent Tarmee sont Nebo et Ansar. Annaeus
Florus rapporte au chapitre XI du premier livre de son histoire
romaine, que lorsdu combat, qui se livra sur les bords du lac Regille,
deux divinites montees sur des chevaux blancs assisterent a Taction ;
■c'etaient Castor et Pollux. Dans le pantheon assyro-babylonien
y-a-t-il eu deux Dioscures, dont Nebo et Ansar seraient les repre-
sentants? La question vaut la peine d'etre examinee. L'armee
assyrienne de meme que I'arme'e romaine ne levait le camp, qu'apres
avoir consulte les victimes ; elle avait a sa tete un personnage
important le baru, qui etait, suivant I'expression pittoresque d'un
poete grec, I'ceil de l'armee. Le roi, les ofificiers et les soldats ne
consentaient a prendre les amies, que s'ils avaient la certitude que
Nebo et Ansar niarchaient avec eux ; ces deux divinite's chevau-
chaient-elles sur des coursiers blancs, comme Castor et Pollux, nous
ne le savons pas ; mais ce dont nous sommes assures, c'est que leur
presence dans le combat presageait la victoire au roi de Ninive.
Samas et Istar sont les dieux auxiliaires du prince, " mes dieux
auxiliaires risfia" comme il est dit dans les textes auguraux ; ce
sont ces dieux secoureurs dont il est fait mention chez les auteurs
^recs {cf. p. ex. Xenophon, Hdlhiiijiics^ livre III), et qui detourncnt
-' Changement, transformation de I'csprit de mon armee.
-' Ces deux dieux sont toujours mentionnes ensemble. Ainsi dans un texte on
lit : Si ses yeux (c.-a.-d. les yeux du malade) sont tres mobiles que sa tete, ses
mains et ses pieds tremblent, vengeance des dieux Lugalgirra et Sidlamiaea:
-:in ^^yy .ly --y i:^:^ <eh ^;:yy < ->f ^jn <t:^yy j^yyy '\ ^\ \v
7S
Fek. u] la RELKilON ASSVRO-BABYLOMENNE. [1903.
les prodiges ; il faut leur sacrifier avant la bataille pour s'assurer
leur concours. Si Samas est le dieu du diiiu^ c.-a.-d. de la justice
revelee comme une nTin il ^^t aussi le dieu du b'lru comme Adad
{Agumkakrivie : derniere ligne), et Istarreunit ces deux attributs sous
le titre de belit dhiim it biri (Sm. 802) ; Ton concoit done qu'elle soit
associee a Samas : c'est la valkyrie qui apparait en reve au guerrier pour
hii donner courage et qui ranime ses forces morales et physiques au
sein de la melee. Ces mots de dinii^ Mni — il en est d'autres encore —
designent a I'origine des organes et font partie de ce langage
mystique, intelligible seuleuient aux pretres, et dont ils se servent
pour traduire la pensee divine, qu'ils scrutent dans les profondeurs
de la victime. La connaissance de ce vieux langage est indis-
pensable pour penetrer dans les couches profondes de la religion
babylonienne, si tant est qu'on en puisse jamais atteindre les fonde-
ments ; il faudra plusieurs sondages partiels avant que hors de ce
tumulus immense apparaisse le sanctuaire venerable et ses innombra-
bles chapelles, labyrinte deconcertant, qui garde d'un ceil jaloux un
essaim de dieux et de deesses, ayant chacun leur sacerdoce et leurs
traditions seculaires. Cela ne sera pas une mince besogne que de
mettre en lumiere ce qui appartient en propre au peuple x qui a precede
les Semites en Babylonie. J'aurais du a propos de Nebo et d'Ansar
rappeler les a^vins du pantheon semitique, qui se rencontrent dans
une inscription palmyrenienne sous les vocables d'Arsou et Azizou
(ailleurs sous la forme grecisee de MoV^/ov et"A^<iro^), et il faut peut-
eire regarder arson ec azizou comme des qualificatifs de Nebo et
d'Ansar;-^' I'un et I'autre sont presque synonymes ; azizou ■=. ezzii
est une epithete frequemment attribuee a Adad, Nergal, Gibil et
les dieux guerriers. Cette epithete de ezzu = terrible, intrepide,
convient fort bien aux Dioscures ainsi que celle d\irsu, que
je rapproche sans inquietude de urzunu-^ courageux (Meissner,
Supplem., p. 16 et B.A. Ill, p. 2']6) ■= qarradu vaillant. Le z et
le s ne sont pas rigoureusement distingues dans les documents
cuneiformes; Clermont-Ganneau a attire I'attention-" sur la repre
"^ II est souvent question dans le presages de Nebo et Ansar, cf. mes Documents
(D.A., p. 46), ou a la derniere ligne il faut retablir ^f:^^ a cause de K. 8289 ;
pour d'autres corrections a faire dans cette publication, voir ma traduction.
^ Kecueil d'' Archi'ologie Orieiitale, tome IV, p. 165 et p. 203. Le texte
palmyrenien aete restitue et commente par Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, tome I, p. 101
et p. 349.
79
Feb. II] SOCIKTV OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [190:,.
sentation figurt'e de deux cavaliers sur le bas-relief palmyrenien
public par Sobernheini, ce tiui doniie du poids a son rap[)rochement
d' Arson et d'Azizou avec les Dioscures. La mention de abkallu et
de i^'^D/!? est interessante pour rassyriologue, et Tincite a comparer
ce second terme a «r/r////'/'//~'^ = bienveillant {cf. les nonis propres de
Nabu-salim, Silim-Asur, Del., H. JV., p, 502). II en est de meme de
inagirii = ^lu'it'itw--^ (na'/ci'ino^), s'il est permis de hasarder cette
explication ; magiru se dit du dieu qui accepte I'offrande, entend
les prieres, et y repond avec faveur, et c'est ainsi qu'ApoUon aime
a etre invoque.
Avant de clore ce commentaire, peut-etre trop copieux, j'ai a
presenter les rectifications suivantes, qui se rapportent a I'article pre-
cedent, F.S.B.A., June, 1902.
P. 220, 1. 7, le point d'interrogation apres " le nord " est superflu.
P. 222, biffer la note 10, et pour ce mode d'indicjuer les quatre
regions en les numerotant, cf. Ill R. 56, No. i.
P. 222, 1. I, le mot traduit par boulanger designe, plutot le MU
du temple, un fonctionnaire religieux, cf. B A. IV, p. 484, et Jensen,
Epen, 407 ; je ne vois pas pour ma part, que le MU ait des attaches,
avec le corps medical, et le plus sage est de s'en tenir a I'explication
generale de " Speisemeister " proposee par Jensen, moins les attri-
butions medicales ; autrement ce serait faire trop d'honneur a ce
personnage. Telles sont les remarques, qui quoique bien superfi-
-* Clermont-Clanneau a vu dans X''D'7\* (rassyiien a un D) une epithele qui
fait pendant a t{"'20, loc. cit., p. 204.
^* Cf. Clermont-Ganneau, /oc. cil., p. 204. A propos du "cultc sur les loits
chez les Semites," je pounais citer encore quelques passages a M. Cllermont-danneau,
entr'autres IV, K. 59, 31 a, ou il est question de rites celebres surletoit : " Lorsque
les premiers rayons du soleil apparaitront, tandis qu'il descend du toit, etc., etc."'
Le texte assyrien emploie ici une image poetique, que je ne me souviens pas avoir
rencontree ailleurs, " AVw? iiic Sain&i ittanasu islit iiri iiia a>adisii, etc.,"
litteralement : Lorsque les eaux du soleil se souleveront, etc. J'esperc pouvoir
trailer ailleurs la question du culte sur les toits chez les Assyriens. Ce document
fort curieux fait allusion au prix de rachat, que le suppliant offre a sa divinite pour
I'apaiser : 1. 29, I'argent de ma liberation (tu) accepte{s), accorde la vie [kasap iptiria
viahrata iiapiS/i hsain. Puis a la fin il est fait allusion a la poussiere, comnie
agent magique et purificateur ; viahrata, permansif, dans le sens de I'imperatif : tu
dois accepter, accepte. J'aurais aussi plusieurs exemples a citer, qui tonfirment la
signification de " toit "' proposee pour la premiere fois par Jensen pour g:????!.
Cf. K. 6791 : Si un corbeau s'elance d'un toit, etc tel'e chose arrivera :
Sununa aribu isltt £:;;??* [jlri) 7iseirrain>iia . . . . ; pour ce Icxte, et pour
d'autres exemples, cf. •' Esquisse de la divination assyro-babylonienne."
80
Feb. II] LA RELIGION ASSYRO-BABVLONIENNE. [190 Ji.
cielles doivent accompagner toute traduction de textes nouveaux ; il
y a une langue mystique a laquelle on ne s'initie qu'apres de longs
tatonnements ; il est une ecriture hicratique dont on retrouve les
caracteres sur les tablettes augurales, et qui paraissent avoir constitue
la reponse des dieux aux questions qui leur etaient adressees par
I'intermediaire de I'oracle ; dans quelques uns des dessins mantiques
que les scribes mettaient en marge des documents, et qui se trou-
vaient reproduits tels qu'ils apparaissaient dans les centres oil la
divinite imprimait les stigmates mysterieux on reconnait le signe -^J
dans sa forme archaique commune.''*' C'est attribuer implicitement
une origine divine a ces vieux hieroglyphes, que de retrouver dans les
sillons traces dans certaines regions des visceres, une ecriture hicra-
tique, medium par lequel le pretre penetre I'intention cachee de
Shamash. Ce caractere divin des symboles graphiques qu'avec un
peu de bonne volonte on reconstituait et transcrivait tant bien
(jue mal, a permis aux haruspices qui les interpretaient de garder
pendant plusieurs siecles un prestige sans bornes. Sans doute
on ne saurait separer I'astrologie de la science des presages ter-
restres ; les me'thodes sont les memes et les arrets du destin se
dechiffrent aussi bien dans le cours des astres, que dans les lignes
fatidiques, qui s'enchevetrent au plus profond des entrailles de la
sainte victime. Cela revient a dire, que dans les conceptions
religieuses assyro-babyloniennes, toutes les parties de I'univers .se
tiennent entre elles dans une connexite effrayante, ineluctable ; le
destin implacable est le point central autour duquel gravitent toutes
les pensees humaines et toutes les energies divines. Cette epopee
babylonienne de la creation qu'est elle en definitive sinon le recit de
la lutte entre les dieux et les puissances infernales pour s'emparer
des tablettes de la destinee ?^i
•'"' Thureau-Dangin, A'.E., No. 173, colonne du milieu, signe superieur.
^' L'importance du fatwii dans la religion assyro-babylonienne n'a pas ete
mesuree a sa juste valeur; c'est a tort que Jensen traduit (K.B., VI., p. loi,
1. 11): Seine Herrscbaft bis zur (fernen) zukunft der Tage zu verherrlichen
bestimmte er (als) Schicksal ; c'est au contraiie le destin qui est le sujet et qui
decrete dans sa toute puissance. Au reste la fin du myfhe d'Adapa ne me parait
pas avoir ete interpretee par Jensen d'une maniere satisfaisante.
81
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILKOLOGY. [1903.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF ASURBANIPAL'S REIGN,
B.C. 668-626.
n.
By The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.
i^For Part I, see Vol. XXIV, p. 235.)
Group I. These five Eponyms are recorded on a fragment of
Canon I, K. 4329A, published II R., p. 69, No. 4, app. As this
fragment has not yet been rejoined to the tablet from which it flaked
off, there is no certainty as to the dates of these Eponyms.
The list gives : —
Bel-(na'id)
Tab-sar-(Sin)
Arba(ilai)
Girza(punu)
Silim-(Asur).
The restorations, in brackets, are due to the dated documents.
These will be quoted by the numbers which they bear in my
Assyrian Deeds and Documents {A.D.D.). Bel-na'id dates Nos. 56,
153, 154, 470, 780, 993. From Nos. 56 and 470 we learn that he
was a Tartan. It is of course conceivable that the name here could
be differently restored. The sequence of three Eponymies on No.
993, Bel-na'id^ Tab-sar-Sin, and Arbailai, however, renders it
practically certain that this is the Eponym meant here. The dates
dealt with in Group III remove all doubt.
Tab-sar-Sin is restored from No. 993, where his Eponymy i.s
named between those of Bel-na'id and Arbailai. But as that docu-
ment is dated in the last Eponymy there named, we may say there
are no documents dated in this year. The Eponym on No. 247,
which lies within Group III, bore a name ending perhaps in Sin,
and so may possibly be ascribed to this year. The preceding
. 82
Feb. II] CHRONOLOGY OF ASURBANIPAL'S REIGN. [1903.
Eponym being Tartan and the succeeding being abarakku rabu,
there is some probability that our Eponym was rab BI-LUL, but
there is no documentary evidence.
Arbailai dates Nos. 586, 782, 993. From the latter the name is
here restored. No. 782 gives his title as abarakku rabu. G. Smith
read the next line to the date on No. 993 as "the priest, the second
man," evidently reading the signs sangil sanu. But such a title is
without parallel among Eponyms, and I read the signs ?iikdsti kdtdsu,
" property in his hands."
Gir-Zapunu dates Nos. 12, 148, 362, 444. Hence the name is
restored with considerable certainty. No other name known to be
borne by an Eponym would begin with Girza .... Acording to the
old order he should have been ndgir ekalli.
Silim-Asur dates No. 233. A person of this name bearing the
title sukallu danmi is a witness to one of Rimani-Adadi's deeds
No. 470, dated in Bel-na'id's time. Also he has the same title on
No. 433, another document in Group III. The sequence of titles
recalls that in B.C. 678-675, which was rab BI-LUL, sukallu rabu
sukallu sanu, abarakku rabu.
There is no doubt, of course, as to the order of these five, only
as to their dates. As we shall see. Group III overlaps them and
securely ties them to the end of the Canon, but at what interval
from B.C. 666 is uncertain. Group II necessarily follows them, but
at what interval is not yet determined. To anticipate results we
may say now that this group is fixed to the years B.C. 663-B.c. 659.
Group II. This group of ten names now forms all that is left of
the fifth and last column of Canon III, K. 4389, published II R., p.
69, Nos. 3 and 5. This tablet has been put together from some ten
small fragments, but the piece on which this group occurs is
unbroken. On the whole the tablet contained about six lines to the
inch. There were only two columns on the obverse, which were
much wider than those on the reverse. In the first column the
lines are somewhat closer together than in the second, and two
division lines take up the space of about half a line of writing.
On the reverse we find that the scribe wrote the vertical wedges,
determinaiives of personality, before he wrote in the names. These
names are not quite coUinear with the verticals, but displaced some
half a line above or below the corresponding vertical. In what follows
I have compared the levels of the lines, not of the verticals. In
Col. Ill, the right hand column of the reverse, the last line Islarduri,
8-? F 2
Feb. II.] SOCIEIV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FOLOGY. [1903.
B.C. 715, is on the same level as Col. I\', Abiramu, b.c. 677.
Hence Col. IV began with Asurbani and had eight names, and only
eight, above the horizontal line which marked the accession of
Sennacherib. Then came the whole reign of Sennacherib, twenty-
four lines, above the line which marked the accession of Esarhaddon.
This division line if produced to the left would come below the
name Sagabbu. Assuming then that the lines were equally
spaced in Cols. V and IV, it is clear that there were exactly 32 lines
above Bel-Harran-sadua. Only one division line, marking the
accession of Asurbanipal. was to be expected in Col. V, Avhich would
take the same space as that marking the accession of Sennacherib
in Col. IV. There is no line on the tablet marking the accession
of Esarhaddon, but a line is drawn above the Eponymy of Senna-
cherib in Col. n'. Now Col. V began with the Eponymy of
Nabu-ahe-iddina, d.c. 675, and this would make Sagabbu b.c. 645,
and therefore place Sa-NabiVsu in r.c. 649. Strassmaier puts him
in i?.c. 650. There can be no doubt that some such calculation,
based upon comparative levels of the names in the adjacent
columns, was the ground of Strassmaier's opinion. Peiser, calcu-
lating in the same way from the levels as given in the edition of
II R., p. 69, puts Ahe-ilai in B.C. 640, or Sa-NabiVsu in b.c. 649.
There can be no doubt that G. Smith assigned his date b.c. 656
to Sa-Nab<a-su on quite other grounds. We shall see that Samas-
sum-ukin was still alive in the Eponymy of Sagabbu. As according
to the Ptolemaic Canon his successor was on the throne in B.C. 647,
G. Smith clearly assigned Samas-sum-ukin's death to b.c. 648, and put
Sagabbu one year earlier in B.C. 649. Dr. Peiser adopts a sceptical
attitude as to the chronological value of forecast tablets naming
Samas-sum-ukin, which might be drawn up much later, as indeed
mention of Hammurabi or Sargon I and Naram-sin occurs in the
7th century. But all depends upon how they are named. Dr.
Peiser was not able to consult G. Smith's History of Asurbanipal,
which he seems to regard as a slight omission. But had he done so,
he must have realised that Sagabbu cannot be later than the war
between the royal brothers. In fact we shall see that he cannot be
later than the 17th year of Samas-sum-ukin, b.c. 651. Hence Sa-
Nabu-sfi cannot be later than b.c. 658.
The fact is that in Column Y the scribe spaced out the name."?
more widely, ^^'hile Sagabbu is on the same level as Nabii-sar-usur,
Amianu is on the level of Asur-ahe-(erl)a) in Col. IV, in each
84 '
Feu. II] CHRONOLOGY OF ASuRBANIPAL'S REIGN. [1903.
case with a small deviation. The whole ten lines in Col. V occupy
the space of nearly twelve in Col. IV ; 9 lines in Col. V occupy the
same space as 10 lines in Col. IV. Hence the number of lines in
Col. V above the level of the name Dananu in Col. IV may be
reduced from 32 to 27. Thus starting Col. V with Nabu-ahe-iddina,
in B.C. 675, we should date Sagabbu in B.C. 651, or allowing for one
division line in B.C. 650. When I first noted this in 1896, I did not
know how to reconcile such a date for Sagabbu with what seemed
bound to precede him. But now I am aware of cogent reasons
connected with the reign of Samas-sum-ukin which practically settle
the matter. These must be reserved for a separate article. But it
is important to see that the argument from comparative levels
independently leads to the same result.
The names in Group II arc —
Sa-Nabii-su
Labasi
Milki-ramu
Amianu
Asur-na.sir
Asur-ilai
Asur-dur-usur
Sagabbu
Bel-Harran-sadua
Ahe-ilai.
Above Sa-Nabu-su are the traces of another name. Only one
sign is partly preserved. It consists of one clear vertical with a
short horizontal to the left. This is either part of si, or of one of the
signs that begin like GIS. It does not cross the vertical as it would
do if it were the trace of I'A or Z)/. To the right is the bottom of
another vertical. I can think of no sign which would suit the
traces but ^7. I believe it is the beginning of Silim-Asur, but
must admit it is rather far to the right, directly over AJV in Nabu.
Hence for a long time I thought it might be -PA, a trace of a name
lieginning with Nabu. To this possibility I shall return later.
Sa-Nabu-sii dates Nos. 48, 49, 152, 702 and an enquiry of the
Samas oracle, published in Dr, T. A. Knudtzon's Gebete an den
Sonnengott, No. 153 {G.A.S.). His title is given as sahi on
No. 48. We also find a Sa-Nabu-su bearing the title rudii, and rob
saki' in G.A.S. Nos. 57, 58, where he seems to be in command of
85
Fek. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [1903.
the army, against Mugallu of Mtlid and Iskallu of Tahal, in the
reign of Esarhaddon. Further, in G.A.S. No. 75, according to
Knudtzon's very probable restorations, Sa-Nabu-su commanded an
army against some part of ElHpi and against the Medes and Ciimirri,
when Asurbanipal, as son of Esarhaddon, was acting as king for his
father, probably in B.C. 669. Doubtless the same person is intended
by Sa-Nabu-summa, the rab sakn, in G.A.S., Nos. 17 and 18, who is
in command of an army against the city Amul, some time in the
reign of Esarhaddon. Further, in A.D.D. No. 890 we have mention
of Sa-Nabu-su, a rah sakti. Consequently I believe that here we have
to do with a Rabshakeh. Also I think that in proper names siaii/iia,
or summu^ is a longer form of sirunoii or si'i, so that a proper name
like Summa-Nabii means " Nabu's is he," exactly the same as Sa-
Nabu-su, " He who is Nabu's own."
In this year, B.C. 658, we learn from G.A.S. No. 153 that
Nabu-sar-usur, the rab sakft, was operating against a host of Urbi in
the district of Gambulu. Labasi dates Nos. 646, 647, 648, three
charters of Asurbanipal, conferring privileges upon Nabu-sar-usur,
his rab sal'//, obviously the one named last year: upon Bultai a
rab sei/'si and another. Also he dates 83-1-18, 286 and 287, two
astrological reports. His title is given by No. 646, and 83-1-18,
287 as ?-ab kci)-/. I\Iilki-ramu does not date any document
preserved, as far I know. From No. 56, it seems that he was
sokii// of Assur.
Amianu dates K. 241 1 published by Professor J- A. Craig,
Religioi/s Texts, p. 76 f., where his name appears as Auianu.
G. Smith gave his title as governor of Babylon. Doubtless the
text was clearer then. Dr. Bezold, Cata., p. 441, seems to have had
no doubt that the title was something of Bab-(ili). But Dr. Craig
gives traces which render that doubtful. Peiser thinks that a title
taken from Babylon must be "simply e.xchided " before B.C. 648.
This is not clear. Asurbanipal may have regarded Samas-sum-ukin
as a subject prince and so ha\e appointed a saki/// of Babylon
alongside Samas-sum-ukin. This exercise of over lordship may well
have been one of the causes of the quarrel between the brothers.
In a charter of §amas-sum-ukin's dated at Babylon, in his 9th year,
])ublished in Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the
IJritish Museum, Part X, No, 5, rev., 1. 42, the second witness,
Nabu-bel-usur, is a sak////. The title is so unfamiliar in Babylonia,
that he can liardly be other than an Assyrian official. Unfortunately
86
Fek. II] CHRONOLOC.V OF aSURBANIPAL'S REIGN. [1903.
the city of which he was saknii is no longer preserved. But it is
difficult to see what locus standi the sakfiu of any other city than
Babylon could have in such a document. Hence I regard it as
certain that Babylon had its saknu, probably all through the reign
of Samas-sum-ukin, and Dr. Peiser's argument against placing
Amianu before b.c. 648 appears ill founded. If any attention at all
were paid to appearances, it would be most appropriate for a saknu
of Babylon to succeed a saknu of Assur.
Asurnasir dates No. 76. His Eponymy is referred to in K. 553,
a letter to the king from Nabu-balatsu-ikbi and Iddinia, see Harper's
Assyrian and Babylonian Letters {A.B.L.), p. 172. Asur-ilai
dates Nos. 96, 379, 387. In the last two he is called sukallu rabu.
Asur-d{ir-usur dates Nos. 86, 533, K. 84 a proclamation by
Asurbanipal to the Babylonians, 83-1- 18, 85 a letter to the king
concerning affairs in Cutha, and K. 455, K. 472S, K. 8904, K.
14283, 82-1-4, 117. so-called forecast tablets. The latter are really
of the same nature as the enquiries of the Samas oracle published
by Dr. Knudtzon, As G. Smith saw, from what he was able to
consult, there can have been no other explanation than the anxiety
with which Asurbanipal saw rebellion breaking out on every side in
Babylonia. The purport of these " forecasts " must be treated
separately later.
Sagabbu dates Nos. t^2>Z-> 574> 698, an astronomical report
83-1-18, 12, see Harper's A.B.L., p. 446; and a long list of
"forecasts," K. 4, 102, 159, 303, 375, 385, 392, 396, 401, 1360,
1611, 3061, 3791, 4696, 81-7-27, 136, 82-5-22, 86, 137; Bu.
91-5-9, 208. These show that during this Eponymy was fought
the battle between the forces of Asurbanipal and Samas-sum-ukfn,
which resulted in the defeat of the latter and the blockade of
Babylon. In order properly to estimate the data of the bearing of
this upon the date to be assigned to Sagabbu, we must first examine
the data of the contracts, etc., which come from Babylon during the
siege. Suffice to say here that these fix Sagabbu definitely to b.c.
651. From No. 333 we learn that he was a saknu, though the
name of the city is not preserved. From K. 396 we learn that he
was bcl pahdtiol Harran. Hence it is impossible to identify him with
Sailu, who was rab nuliatinunc on No. 435, as Dr. Bezold proposed,
Cata., p. 1767 and 2176A. Nor is it likely he could be the same
as Nabu-sakip, as Dr. Peiser suggests, for the latter has an entirely
distinct set of contemporaries, as will be seen later.
S7
Fki!. II] SOCIKTV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOCY. [1903.
Bel-Harran-sadua, or Bel-sadua, as the name is often given, dales
Nos. 7, 147, 206, 696, 705, a proclamation of Asurbanipal's to the
Sealanders announcing the appointment of Kel-ibni to rule over
them, see Harper, A.B.L., p. 295 ; a rescript from the king to Nabu-
ibassi about Ea-zer-ikisa, see Harper, A.B.L., p. 556 ; and a further
number of " forecasts," which no longer concern Samas-sum-ukin,
who was safely shut up in Babylon, but concern the forces sent
against his allies still unsubdued; K. 3742, 4537, 10532, 10789,
14306 and perhaps K. 10618. Beside these one or two astrological
tablets K. 1292, 2077, and K. 279 seem to have no direct bearing on
chronology. On K. 1292 he is called sak/in of Tyre, on K. 13190,
No. 843, sak?ii/ of Kar-Asur-ahi-iddin, which was the name given by
Esarhaddon to the city which he built to rival Tyre. The above
historical notices, as we shall see later, could apply to no other
time than the suppression of the revolt in' Babylonia, as G. Smith
already saw when he remarked, "Conquest of Babylon" opposite
this year, Ep. Can., p. 70
Ahe-ilai is certainly the Eponym who, as Ahi-li, dates the letter
83-1-18, 263. This was addressed by Asurbanipal to Indabigas,
king of Elam. There is no room for a separate Eponym Ahi-li, as
Peiser would have, in B.C. 650, for the evidence of all the above
named ''forecast" tablets ties Asur-dur-usur, Sagabbu, and Bel-
Harran-sadua to the years b.c. 651-649. Asurbanipal could only
have written to Indabigas between Bel-Harran-sadua and Nabii-sar-
aljesu, for the letter is dated in the Eponymy of Ahi-li, which is
either identical with that of Ahe-ilai, or falls after it before Nabu-sar-
ahesu, in whose Eponymy the king of Elam was Ummanaldasi, who
wrote K. 359 to Asurbanipal. Now Belsunu falls in the interval,
and there are only six years from Sagabbu to Nabu-sar-ahesu. So
we should have to suppose that Alie-ilai was followed after one or
two years by Ahe-li. But we shall find good reason to suppose the
gap between lielsunu and Nabu-sar-ahesu is filled by other eponyms.
So the contention that Ahe-ilai is distinct from Ahi-li is not sound,
and the reading .\he-Malik, senseless as it is, falls to the ground,
and mine and Dr. Bezold's reading Ahe-ilai remains the only possible
one. Dr. Beiser's conjecture that I put the P^ponym Ahe-ilai before
li.c. 648 because I identified him with Ahi-li, and so regarded him
as a contemporary of Indabigas, is quite incorrect. I put Ahi-li
here because 1 could not put him elsew-here, and that led me to
enquire into the grounds for reading -ilai at the end of proper names
88
Ffb. II] A BILINGUAL CHARM. [1903.
as Malik. I could find none, so I suggested that -ilai must be a
way of writing ///', shortened after the / of Ahi to -//. It is not a
proof, but surely a strong presumption. The name Ahe-ilai appears
in various forms of transcription, but G. Smith gave the signs cor-
rectly/l4/'-yI/-£"»?-^7V-.4-^ in his History of Assitrbnnipal, p. 321.
From No. 853 we learn that Ahi-ilai was bi'l pa/jdti, or sak/m of
Nineveh about this time.
A BILINGUAL CHARM.
[Prok. B. Moritz, of the Khedivial Library at Cairo, has kindly sent me the
fiillowing notes on the Arabic portion of the above text which I published in
Proceedings, XXIV, 329.— W. E. Crum.]
L. I. ^l*J JJL; should be siLz\ {imperat).^
L. 2. c_^^j .i *jij includes of course the proper name now pro-
nounced Negme, i.e. ^sT. The next name may be compared
with Il^UIl o^--, >4.'l l::--v-;.
L. 4. For JLd , read ^\.^\ : " that he be not able any more to speak
\ 1
a word."
L. 5. As to the difficult name ■»i-2£&.p, cf. the Sa'idic use of •e- as
= TO If we regard this as = Arabic ^^~, we may here
have the name ...^ as an abbreviation {cf. ,jo\ .vs:..^ 5 etc.).
L. 6. oHTf = a dialectual pronunciation of ijkJ^.
2«kTf'.\Hi is very puzzling. J»j^ seems probable ; but would
an ignorant Coptic writer be familiar with this distinctively
literary form ?
' [This was my original reading; i'. note, Froc. XXIV, p. 330. — W.E.C.]
89
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
SOME UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON THE TEXT OF
THE BIBLE.
IV.
The Septnagint Text of the Book of Nehemiah.
Bv Sir Henry H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., c^c.
(^Continued from p. 22.)
In regard to the Septuagint version of Chronicles we do not
■seem to have any continuous portion of it preserved in Greek beyond
the first chapter of Esdras A, which is the equivalent of the 35th
chapter of the second of the Canonical Chronicles. Like the narrative
that follows, this chapter is assuredly part of the Greek Septuagint
There seems, however, a probability that the Septuagint text of the
books of Chronicles may be preserved in Syriac, in which we have a
version differing so much from the Masoretic text that it has been
treated by some as a Targum, and, as my friend Mr. Conybeare
informs me, in a single Armenian MS. at Echmiadzin, which ought
most assuredly to be copied as soon as possible, and put beyond the
reach of some disaster. To the Septuagint Chronicles I hope to
revert in a future paper. In regard to the Septuagint text of
Nehemiah we do not seem to have it preserved anywhere in the
versions. It seems perfectly plain to me, however, that while the
■canonical Nehemiah represents and is taken from Theodotion's
translation of that narrative, the concluding nineteen verses of
Esdras A have preserved for us a sample of tlie original Septuagint
text of the same narrative. Unfortunately it is only a sample, and
as far as I know we have no further continuous materials anywhere
extant to enable us to complete that text as it originally stood, as
•we may possibly have in the case of Chronicles. It is a lamentable
QO
Feb. II] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1903.
testimony to the enormous and disastrous effect of Origen's labours
upon the Bible text, that not only, apparently, was every extant
Greek MS. of the Old Testament more or less sophisticated by it,
but that virtually a whole book of the Bible, in its Septuagint or
primitive form, has thus been lost to us. We can, however, learn
something about it in its primitive shape, and we may possibly hope
to recover its general tenour in another way. One of the things
which must at once strike the student when comparing the text of
the canonical Ezra with that of Esdras A, is that they do not
terminate at the same point, but the latter book has a narrative
consisting of several verses {i.e., Esdras A, chapter ix, verse 37 to
verse 55 inclusive) which extends beyond the last verse of the
former. As I have said, verses 37-55 of the last chapter of
Esdras A do not occur in the canonical book of Ezra, but in the
<:anonical book of Nehemiah. Like the rest of Esdras A, the Greek
in which they are written differs verbally and in terminology entirely
from the corresponding narrative in the canonical Nehemiah ; and
there cannot be a doubt that they are taken from two different
translations. While the canonical Nehemiah, as we have seen, is
almost certainly taken from Theodotion's translation, we can hardl)"
doubt that the verses referred to above from the end of Esdras A,
like the rest of that book, come from the Septuagint. This para-
graph in Esdras A corresponds to the 73rd verse of the 7th chapter
and verses 1-12 of chapter viii of the canonical book of Nehemiah.
So that it seems inevitable to conclude that if Esdras A preserves its
primitive form, of which we have no reason to doubt, that when
the whole work was intact from which this paragraph was taken, the
narrative in the mother MS. of Esdras A must have passed directly
over the first seven chapters of Nehemiah and taken up the story
again with the 8th chapter.
About this the critics are agreed. Thus Reuss, one of the
best of them, says, " Der Verfasser dieser Uebersetzung muss einen
Text vor sich gehabt haben in welchem die sammlichen Theile
vereinight waren, Neh. 1-7 aber ausgelassen." {Gesc/i. des Alien
Testaments, 2nd ed., p. 544.)
This is made certain when we turn to Josephus. In the narra-
tive of Josephus, just as in Esdras A, we have a jump over the seven
first chapters of Nehemiah, and the story goes on continuously from
what is the present termination of Ezra to the 73rd verse of the 7th
chapter of Nehemiah : and inasmuch as Josephus, where we can
91
Fi:i!. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
test him, faithfully follows the Septuagint, we cannot doubt that this
was the original order of the narrative in the Septuagint.
The foct is further attested when we turn to the Syriac Catena in
the British Museum, already referred to more than once in these pages^
where the narrative from Esdras i and 2 is professedly taken from
the Septuagint, and where precisely the same phenomenon occurs.
There cannot be any doubt, therefore, that in the Septuagint the
concluding passage of Ezra was immediately followed not by the ist
verse of Nehemiah, but by Nehemiah vii, 73, and was continued at
least as far as Nehemiah viii, 12, which coincides with the con-
cluding verse of the present text of Esdras A.
Fortunately this is not all. The fact is that the book of Esdras A
ends abruptly in the middle of a sentence, namely, "and there
were gathered together." This sentence is the beginning of a fresh
paragraph, and of a fresh narrative, and corresponds to part of the
13th verse of the 8th chapter of Nehemiah. The narrative in
question in Nehemiah concludes with the last verse of the same
chapter. This shows that the text out of which Esdras A was cut
as a fragment went on uninterruptedly at least to the end of what is
now chapter viii of Nehemiah, and that the whole of chapter viii of
Nehemiah originally followed immediately upon what is now
chapter x of the canonical Ezra.
In the extracts from the Syriac Catena already quoted, one
of them dealing with llie story told in Nehemiah viii, 13, to the end
of the chapter, immediately follows another extract from the earlier
part of the chapter, thus completely confirming the induction just
made.
For this conclusion the two works just cited would suffice as
ample proof, but it is further confirmed by the narrative of Josephus,
which reports the resuscitation of the Feast of Tabernacles, as
described in the latter part of chapter viii of Nehemiah, immediately
after the events related in the earlier part of chapter viii of Nehemiah^
and especially refers to the feasting having lasted eight days, as
tlescrilied in Nehemiah, chapter viii, verse 18.
It io therefore (^uite plain that the whole of chapter viii of
Nehemiah (as corrected in regard to its 9th verse as above)
has nothing to do with Nehemiah himself or his doings, but is a'
sul)stantive part of the narrative about Ezra which has been forcibly
separated from the latter and put into a quite inconsequential place ;
and we can hardly doubt that, like the other trans{)ositions and
92
Feb. II] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1903.
iilterations previously described as occurring in the book of Ezra,
this was the handiwork of the redactors of the Masoretic text. It
seems pLain, at all events, that it was done afcer the time when the
Seventy did their work, and nfter the time when Josephus wrote his
history, and this is a very suggestive fact. Up to this point our
evidence is precise and positive ; we have now to deal rather more
with probability.
Let us first turn to chapter ix of Nehemiah. The greater i)art
of this chapter consists of a kind of confession or sermon, which in
the Masoretic version is professedly delivered by a certain numbei
of Levites who are named in verse 5. This fact is in itself inconse-
quent, since a sermon or confession of this kind could hardly have
been thus delivered by a number of men. If we turn to the Greek
copies of the book of Nehemiah, which doubtless contam consider-
able traces of the Septuagint, we shall find that an important clause
is missing from the Hebrew text. In the Greek bibles, verse 6, in
which the sermon commences, begins with the words, ".and Esdras
said," thus making it plain that the sermon is Ezra's, and Stade has
in fact compared it and shown its resemblance to another sermon of
Ezra's preserved in Ezra, chapter ix. This shows that chapter ix of
Nehemiah, which refers directly to Ezra, and in which tlie name
Nehemiah does not occur, and which has nothing to do with him
and his memoirs, is, like the chapter before it, out of its place. Like
it, it belongs in fact to the earlier part of the book dealing with Ezra
and his doings, and like it has doubtless been transferred thence by
the redactors of the Masoretic text when they re-edited the book,
and the dropping out of the mention of Ezra by them was probably
intentional.
With the narrative in Nehemiah, chapter ix, it would seem that
that portion of the work. Chronicles — Ezra and Nehemiah, relating
to the career of Ezre came to an end. It is a very curious fact that
we read no more of Ezra in the Bible, we are not told what became
of him, when he died, and where he was buried, and Josephus, who
does refer to his end, does so in such a jejune fashion that it would
almost appear as if he had no independent authority for it. After
referring to his mstallation of the Feast of Tabernacles as described
in the 8th chapter of Nehemiah, he merely says, "after he had
obtained this reputation among the people, he died an old man and was
buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem " (^Antiquities, XI, v, 5).
That he died and was buried at Jerusalem was not the tradition of
93
1-EK. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903,
the Eastern Jews. In the Talmud he is said to have died at
Zamzazu on the Tigris, while on his way from Jerusalem to Susa,
where he was going to confer with Artaxerxes about the affairs of
the Jews. The Eastern Jews still reverence his alleged monument
on the banks of the Lower Tigris.
After reporting the death of Ezra and of the high priest Joiakim,
josephus proceeds to tell the story of Nehemiah very much as it is
told in the book of Nehemiah, and as he in other places follows the
order of the Septuagint, it would seem probable that the narrative of
]vz.ra, followed and completed by chapters viii and ix of the canonical
Nehemiah which have been displaced as we have seen, was in the
Bible of Josephus itself immediately followed by the so-called
memoirs of Nehemiah.
Before we turn to Nehemiah's special memoirs, however, I should
like to say a few words about chapter x of Nehemiah. Ezra's prayer
ends with verse 37 of chapter ix, and verse 38 begins the next
narrative quite incongruously with what goes before and apropos of
nothing. There is no continuity whatever in sense or narrative
between verses 37 and 38 of chapter ix of Nehemiah. Verse ^S of
chapter ix in fact begins the narrative of chapter x. In regard to
chapter x, I cannot avoid looking upon it as an undoubted inter-
polation, and directly attributable either to the compiler of the joint
work or to the much later redactors of the Masoretic text.
Let us see : the sermon of Esdras above referred to is followed by
the quite incongruous list of people who were sealed with Nehemiah,.
with which it has nothing to do, and in which Ezra's name does not
occur. The text of this chapter apart from the list has nothing to
do with the memoirs of Ezra or Nehemiah, and as Sayce ingeniously
pointed out, verses 32-38 show that its writer classed himself among
the people and the lay-folk such as are described in verses 14-28 (see
Sayce, Introdiictiofi to Chronicles^ Ezra and Nehemiah). The
chapter ends abruptly as it begins, and is clearly a separate boulder
inserted into the text. I hope to return to it on another occasion.
If we detach chapters viii, ix and x from the book of Nehemiah,
we shall find, as is universally admitted among the critics, that the
remainder of the book falls into two sections. One of these i.s
written in the first person, and the other in the third. The two
.sections are not sharply separated from each other, but are them-
selves discontinuous and mixed up with each other, and it has been
generally and very reasonably argued that this was not their original
94
Fee. II] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1905.
order, but that they have been torn in pieces and re-arranged. This
tearing in pieces and re-arrangement, as in the case of the similar
phenomenon in the canonical Ezra, has been generally attributed to-
the so-called chronicler, i.e., the compiler of the joint books; I
believe, on the contrary, that it was due very largely if not altogether
to the doctors at Janinia who first compiled the Masoretic text in
its present form.
While the critics are virtually unanimous in regard to the disin-
tegration and dislocation of the original text of Nehemiah (a text
which I believe was intact in the Septuagint), they do not quite
agree as to the details, and I am not sure that my own solution
agrees with any that has hitherto been proposed.
About one point there is no difference : every one agrees that
the first six chapters of Nehemiah represent the commencement of
the original memoirs of Nehemiah, and that the narrative as con-
tained in these chapters is more or less intact and unaltered. This
narrative goes on beyond the end of the 6th chapter, its course
being interrupted by the quite artificial lines where the Bible chapters
have been drawn, and goes on to the end of the 4th verse of the 7th
chapter. Between the 4th and 5th verses of that chapter there is a
hiatus in the sense, and the remaining part of chapter vii is really
an interpolation, as I believe every one agrees. The narrative after
verse 4 has no connection with the passage that goes before it.
Verse 4 of the 7th chapter of Nehemiah says, " now the city was
wide and large : but the people were few therein, and the houses
were not builded." The narrative which originally followed this
no doubt had some reference to the way in which the difficulty
was overcome by Nehemiah, which is the very subject matter of the
first verses of the nth chapter of Nehemiah, whereas verse 4^
chapter vii above quoted is followed in the text of Nehemiah by
the narrative, " and ray God put into my heart to gather together
the nobles and rulers and the people, that they might be reckoned
by genealogy, and I found the book of the genealogy of them which
came up at the first and I found written therein these are the
children of the province," etc. There is clearly no connection
between the two stories. They are quite incongruous.
Dr. Driver clearly saw that the introduction of this long narrative
with the genealogy was an interpolation making a breach in the
narrative. These are his words, " provision having been made,
chapter vii, 1-3, for the safe custody of the gates, Nehemiah deter-
95
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
mines, vii, 4 f., to take measures to augment the number of the
residents in the city. Before, hou'ever, describing how he does this,
he inserts in his narrative the list found by him of the exiles, who
returned with Zerubbabel *****, vii, 6-73."
With most of this I (juite agree, but that it was Nehemiah who
inserted this hst seems to me quite incredible, nor is it the view of
other writers.
This more general view is better represented by Kosters, who
says, " the list of those who returned occupies, neither in Ezra nor
in Nehemiah (Nehemiah, vii, 6-73), the jflace to which it rightly
belongs. After vii, 1-5, what we should expect to find would be
some particulars regarding the population of Jerusalem, but for this
we look in vain in the lists here introduced." (jEuc. Bib., article,
"Ezra Nehemiah. ")
It is plain, therefore, that the narrative in question is an entirely
foreign and extraneous boulder in the narrative of Nehemiah as we
have it, and that it formed no part of the work as originally compiled,
but has been since interpolated. When so interpolated the fact was
further disguised by the narrative being preceded by the verse, "and
my God put it into my heart to gather together the nobles, and the
rulers, and the people, that they might be reckoned by genealogy.
And I found the book of the genealogy of them which came up at
the first, and I found written therein," etc. These phrases do not
occur in the story as told in either Ezra or Esdras A, where the
same narrative is duplicated. They are quite inconsistent with the
contents of the list, which actually includes Nehemiah himself and
his contemporaries, who certainly did not come up "a/ the first'''
but long after, a fact which could not have been more patent to
anybody than to himself, who would hardly have made the mistake
in his own memoirs. It is inconsistent also with the fact that
Nehemiah should speak o[ finding ^ book of genealogy containing
his 07vn name and others of his standing, and that he should refer to
them in the third person, when he had been speaking all along in
the first, and it is, in fact, in every way a palpable invention to cover a
gap in the sense caused by the interpolation.
It seems to me therefore that in trying to recover the original
Se[)tuagint form of the Book of Nehemiah, we must strike out of the
I)reseni buok the long duplicated narrative from verse 5 of chapter vii
to verse i of chapter viii inclusive, as an interpolation either of the
•original compiler or of the Masoretic text.
96
Feb. II] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1003.
I shall have a good deal more to say about this interpolated
passage on another occasion. I will now pass on again ; as we
have already seen, the passage from Nehemiah (Nehemiah viii, 1 to
the end of chapter ix) originally formed part of the story of Ezra, and
followed directly after the story in the present book of Ezra. If we
exclude this narrative, it brings us to chapter x of Nehemiah. This
was, as we have seen, another interpolation, or it is at all events not in
its right place. Passing on again we come to chapter xi. There, as
has been noticed by many critics, we at length meet again with a
continuation of Nehemiah's memoirs, and the narrative goes from
one passage of these memoirs to the other quite continuously ; thus
Nehemiah vii, verse 4, reads, "now the city was wide and large ; but
the people were few therein, and the houses were not builded." To
this the perfectly natural continuation is Nehemiah xi, verse i, which
reads, "and the princes of the people dwelt in Jerusalem ; the rest
of the people also cast lots to bring one in ten to dwell in Jerusalem,
the holy city, and nine parts in the other cities." It seems clear
therefore that the memoirs of Nehemiah contained in chapters i-vii
4 of that book were continued by verses i and 2 of chapter xi. These
two verses seem to me to stand alone, and the rest of chapter xi
down to the end of verse 26 of chapter xii form another extraneous
boulder, an interpolation incorporated at a later stage, and breaking
the continuity of Nehemiah's memoirs.
There is an obvious and patent breach in the narrative and sense
between verses 26 and 27 of chapter xii, which has been admitted
by all the scientific critics who do not follow Havernick and Keil
in their obsolete methods of exegetic analysis. On the other hand,
there has been a general agreement that with the exception of the
references to Ezra in verses 33 and 37 of chapter xii, the narrative
from verse 27 of that chapter to the end of chapter xiii, that is to
the end of the book, is part of Nehemiah's memoirs.
The position here maintained is so reasonable, and removes so
many difficulties, that it seems a pity that the Bible narrative has not
been long ago reintegrated by thus bringing all the pieces of Nehe-
miah's memoirs together into one continuous story and making it
follow on continuously upon Ezra's memoirs. I believe it to be
e.xceedingly probable that this was the order of the story as it
appeared in the original Septuagint text of Nehemiah.
The arrangement here proposed, it will be seen, gives no coun-
tenance to the extraordinary inversion of the story suggested and
97 G
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
supported by Van Hoonacker and Kosters, by which the career of
Ezra is made to follow that of Neheniiah, a view so far as I can see,
quite unsupported by any of the literary evidence.
If the views here maintained are right, the only parts of Neheniiah
unaccounted for would be the very parts which are so full of con-
tradiction and difficulty, namely, those contained in Neheniiah vii,
5-73; ix> 38— X, 39 inclusive; and xi, 3— xii, 26. These passages
consist almost entirely of genealogies and of lists of names, and their
exi)lanation has caused much heartburning.
That they form no integral part of the so-called memoirs of Ezra
and Neheniiah is generally agreed. Some of the most orthodox
writers are quite at one on this issue. Thus Canon Rawlinson,
a rigid conservative among critics, after discussing two of the lists,
i.e., those in chapter xi, 1-24 and xi, 25-36, says "the other lists
have no necessary or very natural connection with the general
narrative of Nehemiah, and it is uncertain whether they formed
any part of the original book, or were added by a later hand."
I do not hold the current view in regard to these alterations, for
I believe the Rabbis at Jamnia had more to do with them than "the
compiler," but I shall postpone their consideration to another paper.
The present one has been devoted to an attempt to reconstruct the
original text of Nehemiah on inductive grounds. That that text has
been in some measure dislocated and disarranged by the original
editors of the Masoretic text is plain and widely admitted. The
evidence of Esdras A and Josephus is conclusive about its having
taken place after the time of Josephus, and the real question is the
amount and degree to which this dislocation thus took place. It is
surely time that some effort were made to come to an agreement
upon scientific grounds by which the Bible story in these books may
be presented to ingenuous readers in a fashion which does not raise
continuous doubt and difficulty, and which we believe to have been
its original form and order.
Correction. — In Part I of this series of Papers, page 157, line 26,
I have given a reference to "Smith's Dictionary of the Bible" it
should have been "Smith's Dictionary of Christian Biography."
Also, Dr. Gwynn's name should not be spelt with an "e."
98
Feb. II] DECALOGUE AND DEUTERONOMY IN COPTIC. [1903.
THE DECALOGUE AND DEUTERONOMY IN COPTIC.
Bv W. E. Crum.
The remarkable combination of the text of Deuteronomy vi. 4
with that of the Decalogue, which the Hebrew papyrus recently
edited by Mr. Cook {Proceedings, XXV, p. 34) exhibits, can be
in some degree paralleled from a very different source — a Coptic
Service-book, of very unusual type, of the 13th century,^ fragments
of which are in the British Museum ^ (Or. 5638.1 and 5641). The
MS. came, like the large majority of Bohairic books, from the
Nitrian monasteries, and is of course on paper. The first fragment
consists of two imperfect leaves, paged 5 and 6. Opposite the
Coptic text is its literal translation in Arabic.
These two leaves show Deut. v. 23-vi. 3, with lacunae in verses
26, 30, I and 3, due to the loss of the bottoms of the leaves.
Before vi. 3, however, is inserted the text of the Decalogue, or, it
may be, that of v. 16 ff. A lacuna has unfortunately deprived us of
Commandments 1-4 ; but these cannot have been in their full form,
the number of lines lost being too few for any but an abbreviated
version. The text, printed below, will be seen to differ markedly
both from the Greek and from Wilkins's and Lagarde's published
Pentateuchs.'' In secondary details it here and there agrees with
the Sa'idic {ed. Ciasca) ; but on the whole it appears independent.
The order of Commandments 6 and 7 {cf. the Hebrew papyrus) and
the omission oi the 9th are to be observed ; also the use of ' beast '
(= K-'\]vos) instead of 'ass' in the loth.
' Cf. script of Hyvernat's Album, pU. i or Hi, 2.
- Numbered respectively 713 and 787 in my forthcoming Catalogue.
■* Prof. Swete and the Rev. A. E. Brooke have examined the text. Its readings
are unknown to them, except for a chance coincidence with certain cursives. The
Arabic version, it need hardly lie said, is similarly divergent from that of Lagarde's
MS. (BM. or. 442, fol. 318/').
99
Feb. ii] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
V. 23) OVOe ATOTOIII ^yApOl IIIApVlOII MT(] IIKfiVAH
iir:iiiiil)e.\.\oi r;n:sa) uiioc ^:(;eiiiiiir; nmi ne-iiiiovt a()ta-
iioii (:iir;(|(t){)V ovoe Aiicaneii (Hie(|()A.\i l)HiiBiint
iiiii\|Koii ovo? l)(;iinAie20ov Aiieiii Aue^toii acj^^jaiica.m
(sic)
iL\(; (|vl' iifHiovptum nn(](|a)iil) xii ovo^ ahom iiikuiiiov
OVO? llll(JIIIV(>(l)ll C:,"Jj)(l)Ke MIIOII (-."JtOI I Apt:,"JT(JI KJIIOtO-
T(;ii (rrc.iiii iiTC: iitu; iKiiiiiovl ••(jiiiiaiiov anon (26) ,\(;
HIM (|)H (jTctDTeu (rrciiH irn; noc ()vl- l>6iieuHt uni\pu)i.i
(?)
(;q()[lJl)^
(27) G(()r(;ll HOOK (MIOAXI Hc|v|- OVOe eiOB HIB6H e()X<Jl)
1 1 HOC HAK AHOH IHIIPpi HHO(| (28) A(|(iaJTeH HAT; <hf
HeTeHGA.M ("i(ir(;ii,\to luicx; hhi h(;>(; moI; hhi :s:haigu)-
IfJH GIIGA>:i HT(; HIAAOO (-TACI.XCO HHOC HAK (29) ^OH^(jH
HCOOV r;OpOT(3peoi- IIHOI OVOe HTOVApCJ? (JHAflTOAH
(■;p(-nilir;THAH(':(| ^'J(OHI H(OOV H(;MHOV,")Hpi (30) OVO?
HOOK K>:a} HHO(; ntoov hio.'iagoo (miovha h^'jujiii
GKOei HOOK IIHAIHA i'lHA H IaI-GBH) [hAK HHAJgOCTHiI^
(31) OH (;Ih.\IHIC HtOOV HOVKAIipOHOHIA (32) HOOK
An haiTkIv riipo'i' A(>ee (:(|)H gta(|thitov hak iiipci
H,\0 IIO(T HfjKHOVi- OVO^ HII()|})piKI (;Ar.t)A HH(OOV HOVI-
HAH OVA(; AAOH AAAA (^T,) K\TA <|)pHh eTA(|i HAK HA(;
HOC neKHOVl- HO^II HI)HTI| {ip(J(|HTOH HHOK (;pniiin60-
HAIieq yUOHl HAK FiKG^tOHl H^AHHH,"! H^;^()OV eiXGHni-
KA?I OH (n'(:KnpKAHpOHOHIH HHOO (vi. l) HAIHO HICQO^III
(•') ^
HOHHIH'I'OAH OH (• rA(|lll I TOV HAK HA^O IIOG^^I
HATAK: H(n<l(Or H(mT<;KHAV OVAC; HnGpl)a)Tfir> OTA6
HH(:pH(OIK 0'.\\(] HIK^pO'lOVI H HOpopt^H lO'/M IH (rh'.eiHI
HHBK:'l(|>Hp O'/AC: H(:(|nen OVAO Tnt|T(3BHH OVAG ^M
100
Feb. II]
A RELIC OF AMENHOTEP III.
[1903-
(sic)
imeTeiiTAq (3) ctoreii nic.v Apee eiiAienTOAn epeni-
rioBiiAiieq ^^toni iiak ovoe htcc|aiai iiiiok euA^to kata
c|)pH'|- cnA(|Xoc 11x6 HOC neKiiori miigkioI* eontoc
IITe(|h IIAK IIOVKAei 6qB6BI;;^|.
The second fragment of our MS. comprises eight leaves, of which
foil. 1-7 show a series of prayers, while fol. 8 has Deut. xvi. 3-10,
in a version as peculiar as that of the earlier passage here printed.
The prayers I have not succeeded in identif)ing.
A RELIC OF AMENHOTEP III.
This object is the butt-end of the
handle of a Sepulchral Axe. It is made
of a very hard violet-glazed faience. The
cartouche and hieroglyphs are incised
and filled in with a pale blue paste.
At the back is a rectangular socket,
by which the wooden shaft of the axe was
fastened to the butt. The object was
brought from Thebes many years ago,
and may very probably have come from
the king's tomb in the Western A^alley.
W. L. Nash.
Feb. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Errata to Dr. Naville's letter, ProcfLdiiigs, XXV, 57.
In order that Dr. Naville's letter on this subject might appear in
the January Proceedings^ the proof was not sent to Geneva for
correction ; in consequence, many mistakes appear in the print.
Besides errors in grammar, punctuation, and accentuation — which,
although regrettable, do not materially alter the sense — the following
mistakes should be noted by Members in the copies they have
already received : —
Page 57, line 6, "en progres " should read "un progres."
„ ,, ,, 20, "a bon sens" „ ,, "a mon sens."
,, 58 „ 15, "s'aJoptait" ,, ., " s'adaptait."
„ 59 „ 3, " Pour chacun " ,, ,, " Pour chacune."
It may be said in excuse that Dr. Naville's handwriting is of the
most difficult character.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at
37, Great Russell Street, Blocmsbury, W.C, on Wednesday,
March nth, 1903, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will
be read : —
E. J. PiLCHER : "The Jews of the Dispersion, in Roman
Galatia."
ri^=^^^:f^
102
Feb. II] PROCEEDINGS. [1903.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members har'im; duplicate copies, ivill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de I'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
La Geographie de I'Egypte a I'epoque Copte.
.\MIAUD, A., AND L. Mechineau, T.ibleau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religionsgeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Beitrage zur Assyriologie.
Berlin Museum. /Egyptische Urkunden.
,, ,, Griechische und Koptische Urkunden.
BissiNG, Baron von, " Metalgefasse " (Cat. Gen. dn Miisee dtt Caire).
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments figyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics j.ar
H. Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budge, E. A. Wallis, Lift. D., "The Mummy."
Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
IjURCKHArdt, Eastern Travels.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
Crum, W. E., "Coptic Monuments" {Cat. Gen. du Musk du Caire).
Daressv, G., " Ostraca " [Cat. Cairo Museum).
" Fouilles de la Vallee des Rois" (Cat. Cairo Museinn).
Delitsch, Das Babylonische Weltschopfungs Epos.
DiJMiCHEN, Ilistorische Inschriften, &c., 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
■ Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Feb. II] SOCIETY 01- BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
GOLENISCHEKK, Die Mettemichstele. Folio, 1877.
_ Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
IIaupt, Die .Sumerischen Familiengesetze
IIoMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Bahylonier.
Joachim, II., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Ileilkunde.
KussMETTER, Der Occultesnuis des Altertums des Akkader, Babyloner,
Chaldaer, &c.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aeg)'pten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Beriicksichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFJiBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2""^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrai.n, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin KJinig von Babylonien 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173;
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
Mariette, " Monuments divers."
" Dendera,"
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Maspero, G., " Annales du service des Antiquites de I'Egypte."
MiJlXER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkm'aler aus Arabien.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarch)'.
ROBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur la Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Cornmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Sciiouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeuer, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptische Gotterglaube.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone an point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEX, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
\Yinckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna, Vols, I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftlicnes zum Alten Testament.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl (iesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXIL 1866
to 1878.
Zimmern, II., Die Assyriologie als HiUfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
Third Meeting, nth March, 1903.
F. D. MOCATTA, Esq., F.S.A., Vice-President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^K^-
The Council regrets to have to record the death of
the Rev. James Anderson, D.D., for many years a
Member of the Society.
[No. CLXXXIX.]
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1903.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From W. L. Nash, F.S.A. : — Index of Archceological Papers
published in 1891-1901.
From the Author, Prof. E. Lefebure. — La Politique Religieuse
des Grecs en T.ybie. 8vo. Alger. 1902.
From E. S. M. Perowne. — Bulletins of the Congress of Orientalists
held at Hamburg. 1902.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society : —
Rev. M. Graves, Turville Vicarage, Henley-on-Thames.
Manchester College, Oxford.
Mrs. Edmonds, Durban, Natal, S. Africa.
The following Paper was read : —
E. J- Pii.CHER : "The Jews of the Dispersion in Roman Galatia."
Remarks were added by Rev. W. T. Pilter, Rev. Dr. Low}\
Rev. J. Marshall, and the Chairman. Mr, Pilcher replied.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
104
Mar. II] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD, [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By Prof. Edouard Naville, D.C.L., etc.
( Continued from page 70.)
CHAPTER CLI.
(fl) Words of Anubis.
Thy right eye is in the Sektit boat, thy left eye is in the Atit
])oat. Thy eyebrows are with (i) Anubis, thy fingers are with
Thoth, thy locks are with Ptah Sokaris ; they prepare for thee a
good way, they smite for thee the associates of Sut.
ill) Said by Isis. I have come as thy protector N. with the
breath coming forth from Tmu. I shall strengthen for thee thy
throat. I give thee to be like a god. I will put all thy enemies
under thy feet.
ic) Said by Nephthys. I go round my brother Osiris N. I
have come as thy protector. I am myself behind thee for ever, hear-
ing when thou art addressed by Ra, and when thou art justified by
the gods. Arise, thou art justified through all that has been done for
thee. Ptah has smitten thy enemies ; thou art Horus the son of
Hathor. It has been ordered what should be done for thee. Thy
head will not be taken away from thee for ever.
{d) Words of the figure of the Northern wall.
He who Cometh to enchain, I shall not let him enchain thee.
He who Cometh to throw bonds, I shall not let him throw bonds on
thee. I am here to throw bonds on thee. I am here to enchain
thee; but I am thy protector. (2)
(<?) Words of the Tat of the Western wall.
105 H 2
Mar. II] SOCIETY OV BIBLICAL ARCILT.OLOGV. [1903.
Come in haste, and turn away the steps of Kep-hei-. Bring light
into his hidden abode. I am behind Tat, I am verily behind Tat,
on the day when the slaughter is repelled. I am the protector
of N. (3)
(/) ^Vords of the flame of the Southern wall.
I have spread sand around the hidden abode, repelling the
aggressor that I might throw light on the mountain. 1 have
illuminated the mountain. I have turned the direction of the
sword. I am the protector of N. (4)
{g) Said by Anubis in his divine hall, the lord of Ta-Tsert.
I keep watch over thy head. Awake, thou on the mountain. Thy
wrath is averted. I have averted thy furious wrath. I am thy
protector. (5)
(//) The two figures of the soul, with raised hands.
The living soul, the powerful Chu of N. worships the sun when
he ariseth on the Eastern horizon of the sky.
The living soul of N. adoreth Ra, when he setteth in the land of
the living, on the Western horizon of the sky.
(/) Words of the two statuettes. (6)
O statuette there ! Should I be called and appointed to do any
of the labours that are done in the Netherworld, by a person
according to his abilities, to plant fields, to water the soil, to convey
the sand from East to West ; here am I, whithersoever thou
callest me.
Words of the genii of the four cardinal points.
(Ji) I am Kebehsenuf. I have come to be thy protector.
I have joined thy bones. I have strengthened thy limbs. I have
brought thee thy heart and put it in its place, into thy body.
I will cause thy house to prosper after thee.
(/) I am Hapi thy protector. I have revived thy head and thy
limbs. I have smitten thy enemies under thee. I give thee thy
head for ever.
(w) I am Tuamautef. I am thy son Horus, I have come, and
I rescue my father from the evil doer, whom I put under thy feet.
106
Mar. iiJ THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903,
(h) I am Emsta. I have come, I am thy protector. I cause thy
house to prosper permanently, according to the command of Ptah,
according to the command of Ra himself.
Notes.
With chapter 151 begins a series of texts written either on the
walls of the funeral chamber or on the mummy cloth, or on various
amulets. This series goes as far as 160, with the exception of 152
and 153, which have been inserted there without any apparent
reason.
Chapter 151 is not so much a text as a picture. It represents
the funeral chamber. The four walls, which should be vertical, are
drawn lying flat on the ground. In the middle of the chamber,
under a canopy, is the mummy, on which Anubis lays his hands ;
under the bed is a bird with a human head, the symbol of tlie soul
of the deceased. We must suppose that the god Anubis is a priest
or a member of the family who has put on a jackal's head, and who
pronounces the words said to be those of the god. At the foot of
the bed are the two goddesses Isis and Nephthys.
Each of the four walls had a small niche of the exact size of
an amulet, which was lodged in it. We know it from the four
oriented steles of Marseilles (Naville, Zes quatre steles orieiitees du
Miisee de Marseille)^ where we find the text belonging to each wall
and also the niche cut in the stone for each amulet. On the North
was a human figure, on the South a flame, on the East a jackal,
on the West a Tat.
In the chamber were four so-called canopic vases, with the gods
of the four cardinal points, each of whom has his words to say.
Besides these were statuettes called shabti or iis/iabti, the helpers of
the deceased in his work in the Elysian fields. In the papyrus
London, 100 10 {A/.), from which this chapter is translated, one of
them has the usual appearance, the other the head of Anubis.
The soul of the deceased is supposed to be in the chamber, and
to worship the rising and the setting sun.
Very few papyri have this chapter as complete as Af., which is
taken here as standard for text and vignettes, but there are fragments
of it here and there. The Turin version is much shorter than the
old one. The papyrus of Nii (ed. Budge) contains the texts of the
four walls with rubrics very similar to those of the steles in Marseilles.
107
Mak. II] S0CI1:TV ok I'.IHLICAL ARCH.KOLOLIV. [1903.
They form a special chapter joined to 137A, with the title : Jl'/iaf is
done secretly in the Tuat, the tnysteries of the Tuat, the introduction
into the mysteries of the N'etheriVorld.
In order to facilitate the understanding of the chapter, I have
lettered the words spoken by the various figures.
1. Renouf svould have translated (see chapter 42), thy eyebrows
are those of Anwh'xs ; but the following chapter shows that we have
to translate imth Anubis, which should mean here, under the
protection of Anubis.
2. The rubrics say the figure is made of palm wood, and is seven
fingers high.
3. The rubric of this Tat is the following : said on a Tat of
crystal, the branches of ivhich are of gold. It is folded up in fine
linen.
There is another chapter of the Tat put on the neck of the
deceased (chapter 155), the words of which are totally different,
4. According to the rubric, the flame is a torch made of reeds
5. The Anubis was made of clay.
6. Words engraved on the funerary statuettes called
1 i °^ ^^1 vv I 1 I , an abridged form of chapter 6, for
which I take Renouf's translation.
CHAPTER CLIa bis.
Said by Anubis Amut, in his divine hall, when he puts his
hands over the body of yV., and provides him with all that belongs
to him.
Hail to thee, beautiful face, lord of sight, sacred eye lifted up
by Ptah Sokaris, raised by Anubis, and to which Shu has given its
stand.
Beautiful face, which art among the gods, thy right eye is in the
Sektit boat, thy left eye is in the Atit boat ; thy eyebrows are a
pleasant sight among the gods. Thy front is in the protection of
Anubis, thy back is pleasant to the venerable hawk. Tliy fingers (i)
are well preserved in writing before the lord of Hermopolis, Thoth,
the giver of written words. Thy locks are beautified before Ptah
Sokaris.
108
Mak. II] THE BOOK OP^ THE DEAD [1903.
N. is welcome among the gods ; he sees the great god, he is led
on the good roads, he is presented with funerary offerings, his
enemies are beaten down under him in the house of the Prince of
Heliopolis (2).
Notes.
The words spoken by Anubis in chapter 151 have been taken
out and made into a special chapter, which in papyrus London,
9900 (Aa) occurs in two different forms. I called them CLIa bis
and CUa ier, the second one being only an abridgement of the first.
Vignettes and titles are not the same for these two chapters. That
translated, CLIa Ins, is the longest of the two. The title of the
other one is • the Chapter of the Mysterious Head, and the vignette
thereof consists of a mummy's head.
In comparing this chapter with the words of Anubis we had
before, we find the explanation of expressions like this : thy eyebrows
are with Anubis.
(0 ]11.
This word has always been translated firigers, a sense
which is evidently wrong in this place, where parts of the head only
are mentioned, and when one would expect the hair or the beard.
I suppose that this obscure sentence means that since everything
in him is divine, the design or colour of his fingers (?) was taken from
the books of Thoth.
(2) See note 8 on Chapter i.
CHAPTER CLII.
The chapter of building a house (i) on earth.
O rejoice, Seb, JV. has been set in motion with his vital power
he has given to men and gods their creative strength.
There is cheering, when it is seen that Seshait (2) has come
towards Seb ; when Anubis has commanded to N. : build a house on
earth, the foundations of which be like On, and the circuit like
Cher-aba ; let the god of the sanctuary be in the sanctuary. I also
decree that it should contain the sacrificial victim, brought by slaves,
and held up by ministrants.
109
Mar. Ill SOCIETY OK BIHLICAL AKCH.KOLOGV. [1903.
Said by Osiris to the gods in his following : come hastily, and see
the house which has been built for the glorified, the well equipt, who
cometh every day. Look at him, hold liim in awe, and give him
praise, which is well pleasing to him,
(3) You see what I have done myself, I the great god who
cometh every day. Look ye, Osiris brings me cattle, the south wind
brings me grain, the north wind brings me barley as far as the end
of the earth.
I have been exalted by the mouth of Osiris (4), applause sur-
rounds him (5) on his left and on his right.
Look ye, men, gods, and Chus, they applaud him, they applaud
him, and I am well pleased.
Notes.
The text here translated is that of the Papyrus of Nu, with a few
variants taken from contemporary texts.
1. The J here mentioned is the abode of the | j, where
it is worshipped and receives offerings. In the vignette of Pap.
Busca (Ik), the plan of this abode is like the funerary constructions
discovered at Nagadah and Abydos.
2. The goddess 't is often connected with building (chapter 52).
3. Here the deceased begins to speak himself.
4. I translate 1 ^-^L^ the beating in iveasure as the musicians
do, the regular api)lause so often heard in the East.
5. The person changes, as is often the case in such texts. The
deceased speaks of himself in the third person.
( To be continued})
no
PLATE LIIT.
Proc. Soc. I'ihI. Arch., March, 1OO3.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter 151. Papyrus, British Museum, looio.
Chapter 152. Papyrus, Busca.
'
—
Chapter 151A Uv:
Papyrus, B.M., 9900.
Chapter 152.
Papyrus, Louvre, III, 93.
Mar. II] THE TOMB OF THOTHMES IV. [1903.
DISCOVERY OF THE TOMB OF THOTHMES IV
AT BIBAN EL-MULUK.
[The following is an extract from a letter dated February 10, 1903,
which I have received from Mr. Percy E. Newberry, who wrote
from Thebes.— W. L. N.]
The Members of the Society of Biblical Archaeology will be
interested in hearing that Mr. Howard Carter, Inspector-General of
Antiquities in Upper Egypt, has discovered the tomb of Thothmes IV
in one of the South-Eastern cliffs of the Biban el-Muluk. In front
of it was found a set of Foundation-deposits, such as have often
been discovered in the foundations of ancient Egyptian temples and
other buildings. In plan the tomb is similar to that of Amenhetep II,
but it has only one painted chamber, and the doorway of the sarco-
phagus chamber had been closed with squared stones covered with
plaster, and sealed with a stamp-seal bearing the design of a jackal
above nine prisoners with their arms tied behind them. From an
inscription in the tomb, written in hieratic script, it appears that the
funeral furniture had been partly plundered previously to the eighth
year of king Horemheb, for in that year — the latest of that king
of which we have any record — the inscription tells us that the burial
was " renewed " by the Superintendent of the Treasury by the order
of Horemheb, and traces of this " renewal " were found in the
repairs to broken vases, (S;c.
The tomb was again plundered at some later date (probably
after the removal of the body of the king to the tomb of Amen-
hetep 11), and every fragment of metal stolen from it, and all wood-
work, as well as vases of stone and of glazed-ware, was broken
in pieces. By far the most important object found, however, is the
front of the king's triumphal chariot, embossed with scenes repre-
senting the monarch seated in his chariot, and slaying his enemies.
This is a marvellous piece of artistic work, and will rank among the
most splendid specimens of Egyptian art. Some idea of the
number of antiquities found may be formed from the fact that we
employed seventy three men and boys to bring them from the tomb
to the Government House here. It will take Mr. Carter and
myself a week or more to make a catalogue of all the objects found,
Mar. II]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILFIOLOGV.
[1903
and this will be published as soon as possible. My friend Mr.
Theodore M. Davis, who has provided the money for clearing the
royal tombs in the Biban el-Muluk, having also promised to pay the
cost of publication.
Percy E. Nkwijeurv.
NOTES.
HA-MHYT.
(lODDESS OF THE MENDESIAN NOME.
Figures of this goddess are rarely
met with. In Lanzoni, Diz. Alit.,
Vol. II, PI. CCXII, is an illustration
of a bronze figure of her, in the Louvre
Museum, which represents her seated
on a throne which is raised on a lotus-
head column. This is the only figure
of which I have found any mention.
Drawings of the goddess will be found
in Mariette's Dendera/i, and in
Lepsius' Denkmiiler.
In the stele of Mendes she is de-
scribed as " Ha-mhyt, the powerful
one of Mendes, the wife of the god in
the temple of the Bull, the eye of the
Sun, the lady of heaven, the ruler of
all the gods." Her son is called
" Harpachred in Dad."
The annexed illustration is a photo-
graph of a figure made of a very fine
green glazed faience, which was found at Eshmunen. The goddess
wears the fish emblem of the Mendesian nome surmounting a crown
of uraei. The inscription on the back is blundered, and reads
Hen-hytt.
W. L. Nash.
1 12
Mak. II] GILGAMFS AND THK HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD.
By Theophilus G. Pinches, LL.D.
The inscription to which I wish to call attention in this Paper,
is one of some importance, but has to a certain extent been eclipsed
by the more remarkable finds of the French expedition to Susa,
concerning one of which — the Code of Hammurabi — I read a short
Paper before the Society in November last.
The fragment upon which this text is inscribed was purchased,
for the Berlin Museum, by Dr. Bruno Meissner, at Baghdad. He
came across it, he says, in the shop of an antiquity-dealer there,
among a number of tablets from Abu-habbah. From the photo-
graphic reproductions which accompany his Paper,^ it is easy to see
that it is the lower part of a fairly large tablet inscribed with two
columns of text on each side, the whole containing 58 lines of, for
the most part, well-preserved writing. The fragment, which is about
6|- in. wide, gives about one-third of the whole text, the portions
preserved being the lower parts of Columns I and II, and the upper
parts of III and IV. It will thus be seen that there are considerable
gaps, which cannot, at present, be filled up. As additions to, or
duplicates of, inscriptions with which we are acquainted are found
from time to time, it is not at all unlikely that the wanting portions
of this may likewise sooner or later come to light.
A reproduction of my pen and ink copy will be found on the
accompanying plate.
^ Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen GeseUschaft , 1902, I. Ein alfbahy-
loiiisches Fragment des Gilganiosepos, von Bnmo Meissner. Mit 4 Aetzungen
und 2 Lichtdiuck-Tafeln. Wolf Peiser Verlag.
113
Mar. ii] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILdiOLGGY. [1903.
Traiiscripfio/i.
Column I.
(Reckoning the missing portion at two-thirds, the first line pre-
served would correspond roughly with line 31 of the complete text.)
1. . . ri-mi ti-hu-nu (?)
2. . . ba (?)-nu (?) ma-as-ki-su-nu i-ik-ka-al si-ra-am
3. . . . Pu-ra-tim D.P. Gis §a la ib-si-a ma-ti-i-ma
4. [ma-]ti-i-ma me-e i-ri-id-di sa-ri
5. U.P. Sam-su i-ta-su-us i-da-ak-ku-us-su
6. iz-za-kar-am a-na D.P. Gis
7. D.P. Gis e-es ta - da - al
8. ba-la-tam sa ta-sa-ah-hu ^-ru la tu-ut-ta
9. D.P. Gis a-na sa-a-sum iz-za-kar a-na ku-ra-di-im D.P. Sam-si
10. is-tu e-li si-ri-im a-ta-al-lu ki da-li-im
11. i-na li-ib-bu er-si-tim sa-ka-bu-um •' ma-du-u
12. at-ti-il-lam-ma ka-lu sa-na-tim
1 3. i-na-ya sa-am-sa-am li-ip-tu-la-a-ma -^ na-wi-ir-tam lu-us-bi
14. ri-ki-e-it ik-li-tum ki ma-si na-wi-ir-tum
15. ma-tim mi-tum li-mu-ra-am sa-ru-ru D.P. Sam-si
Column II.
(The same amount is wanting here as at the beginning of Col. I.)
it-ti-ia it-ta-al-la-ku ka-lu mar-sa-[a-tim]
En-ki (Ea)-du sa a-ra-am-mu-su da-an-ni-is ■'
it-ti-ia it-ta-al-la-ku ka-lu mar-sa-a-t[im]
il-li-ik-ma a-na si-ma-tu a-wi-lu-tim
ur-ri u mu-si e-li-su ab-ki
u-ul ad-di-is-su a-na ki-bi-ri-im
ib-ri-ma ilu i-ta-ab-bi-a-am a-na ri-io--mi-ia
'^ Miswrillcn *{\1 instead of J[J.
■' So I am inclined to read instead of kak-ka-bii-uni.
' Dr. Meissner points out that littidaiiia (for litliihvua, from iiatalit) is the
reading required here, and suggests either a mistake on tlie part of the scribe or
a new value for T*^* [ip], namely, //. Perhaps, however, there is a verb batahi
or patalii, synonymous with iiatalii.
^ There is probably nothing lost at the end of I. 2.
114
Mar. u] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
8. si-bi-it u-mi-im Ci si-bi mu-si-a-tim
9. a-ki tu-ul-tum im-ku-ut i-na ab-bi-su ^
10. is-tu wa-ar-ki-su u-ul u-ta ba-la-tam
11. at-ta-na-ag-gi-is ki-rna ha-bi-si ga-ba-al-tu si-ri
12. i-na-an-na sa-bi-tum a-ta-mar pa-ni-ki
13. mu-tam sa a-ta-na-ad-da-ru a-ya-a-mu-ur
14. sa-bi-tum a-na sa-a-sum iz-za-kar-am a-na D.P. Gis
Column III.
1. D.P. Gis e-es ta-da-a-al
2. ba-la-tam sa ta-sa-ah-hu-ru la tu-ut-ta
3. i-nu-ma ilani ib-nu-u a-\ve-lu-tam
4. mu-tam is-ku-nu a-na a-we-lu-tim
5. ba-la-tam i-na ga-ti-su-nu is-sa-ab-tu "
6. at-ta D.P. Gis lu-ma-li ka-ra-as-ka
7. ur - ri ii mu-si hi-ta-at-tu at-ta
8. Ci-mi-sa-am su-ku-un hi-du-tam
9. ur - ri u rau-si su-ur u me-li-il
10. lu ub-bu-bu zu-ba-tu-ka
11. ga-ga-ad-ka lu-me-si me-e lu ra-am-ka-ta
12. zu-ub-bi si-ih-ra-am sa-bi-tu ga-ti - ka
13. mar-hi-tum li-ih-ta-ad-da-a-am (?) i-na su-ni-ka(?)
14. an-na-ma si-pir(?)
15
(About thirty lines are wanting here.)
Column IV.
1. su-nu-ti ih-ta-ab-bi-a-am i-na uz-zi-su
2. i-tu-ra-am-ma iz-za-az e-li-su
3. su-ur-su-na-bu i-na-at-ta-lam i-ni-su
4. su-ur-su-na-bu a-na sa-a-sum iz-za-kar-am a-na D.P. Gis
5. ma-an-nu-um su-um-ka ki-bi-a-am ya-si-im
6. a-na-ku su-ur-su-na-bu sa u-ta-na-is-tim ru-u-ki-im
7. D.P. Gis a-na sa-a-sum iz-za-kar-am a-na su-ur-su-na-bu
8. D.P. Gis su-mi a-na-ku
" For appi-Su.
' For istabt2t, in accordance with the usual manner of writing the word.
Mar. n] SOCIHTV OF HIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
9. sa al-li-kam is-tu si-ba e-an-ni
10. sa ku (?)-us (?)-ra-am sa-di-i
11. ur-ha-am ri-ki-e-im^ wa-si (?) D.P. Sam-si
12. i-na-an-na su-ur-su-na-bu a-ta-mar pa-ni-ka
13. ku-ul-li-ma-an-ni u-ta-na-is-tim ri-ga-am
14. su-ur-su-na-bu a-na sa-a-sum [iz-za-kar-am] a-na D.P. Gis
(The number of the Hnes lost here depends upon the space
occupied by the colophon, but can hardly be more than thirty.)
As I was unable, through circumstances beyond my control, to
revise this in.scription, on the occasion of my last visit to Berlin, as
thoroughly as I should have liked to do, the above readings are
l)ased mainly upon those of Meissner and Messerschmidt. The
portion which I was able to verify, however, spoke well for the
correctness of the rest, and I have carefully compared the text with
the photographic reproductions appended to Dr. Meissner's Paper.
Translation.
Column I.
I.
2. \he strips offi^y\ their skin, lie eats the flesh,
3. (and) the Euphrates, Gilganics, which never existed {here) —
4. Ever the wind drives the water away."
5. Samas 7vas troubled, he summoned him,
6. He called then to Gilgames :
7. " Gilgames, why wanderest thou around?
8. The life which thou seekest, wilt thou not flnd."
9. Gilgames said to him, to the warrior Samas :
10. '■'■Since in'^ the desert I have roamed {?) as a ivanderer^
11. In the midst of the earth a barrier is set^^
12. I slept then {there) the 7vhole of the years.
13. Let my eyes see the sun, and let me be satisfied with brightness ;
14. Darkness remaining far, that sufificiefit be the bright?iess —
1 5. May the dead who has died see the glory of the sun."
" Meissner : ta/ii (■"^f). ""' Lit- over.
'" This is a very difficult line, the doubtful words being sakahum niadil. I am
inclined to think, however, that we have in sakahum the sakksl>ii of W.A.I., II,
23, col. II, 1. 36, where this word is explained by inidihi, "bolt," etc.
116
Mar. II] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
Column II.
1. With me has he undergone all ni isf art lines.
2. Ea-du whom greatly I love —
3. With me has he undergone all misfortunes —
4. Now is he gone to the fate of mankind.
5. Day and night have 1 7vept over him,
6. I gave him not up for burial.
7. A god looked, and arose at my voice }^
8. Seven days and seven nights,
9. As a ivorm he fell ^"^ on his face.
10. Since {the time) after him, I have not sought life —
11. I have constantly traversed, like a stricketi one {?), the fastness (?)
of the desert.
12. JVow, Sabitii, I see thy face —
13. Death, which I constantly fear, mav J not see."
14. Sabitum to him said, even to Gilgames :
Column III.
1. ^''Gilgames, why wanderest thou about 7
2. The life which thou seekest wilt thou not find.
3. When the gods made mankiiid,
4. Death they set for mankind —
5. Life they kept in their hands.
6. Thou, Gilgames, let thy belly be full ;
7. Day and night thou suffer est, {even) thou —
8. Every day make festival,
9. Day and night rejoice and be glad.
10. Dazzling may thy clothing be,
^'" This line seems to come in rather suddenly here, and, as Dr. Meissner
remarks, there is no indication as to the name of the god. A different translation
is nevertheless difficult to suggest.
'- Probably = "lay fallen." A caterpillar would form a better simile than
a worm in the ordinary sense. The word titllu indicates some special kind, and
the prefixed ideograph of the Sumerian equivalent is the same as that used for the
clothes' moth. Delitzsch compares the Heb. y/ID.
117
Mak. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILEOLOGV. [1903.
11. May thy Iiead be washed^ water inayesl thou pour fcvthy''
12. Look down 7{p07i the little one taking thy hand,
13. May the 7vife rejoice in thine embrace.
1 4. This is a thini^- (?)
Column I\'.
1 . Those he destroyed in his anger.
2. He came back., and stood l>y him —
3. Snr-Siinalm looks into his eyes.
4. Sur-Sunalni speaks to him, (even) to Gilganies :
5. " Tell me, what is thy namel
6. / am Sur-Sunabu, of Uta-tiaistim the j-eniote."
7. Gilgames speaks to him, {even) to Sur-Sunabu :
8. " Gilgames by name am I,
9. Who have come from siba-e-anni,^'^
10. Which is opposite {?) the mountains,
11. A distant road of the rising of the sun.
12. Noiv, Sur-Sujiabu, I see thy face ;
13. Sho7C' me Uta-naistim, the remote."
14. Sur-Sunabu {says) to him, {even) to Gilgames :
T5
(The remaining two-thirds of the column are wanting.)
In order to understand the argument of the above fragment —
how it was that the Sun-god Samas addressed Gilgames, the cause of
his grief for Ea-du whom he greatly loved, his conversation with
Sabitu, and his meeting with Sur-Sunabu — it is needful to give an
outline of the legend, which is not without its interest.
Gilgames was one of the most celebrated heroes of Babylonia,
and also, evidently, one of the most ancient of the kings of that
region, the seat of his dominion being Erech, or, as it is called in
'^ It would probably not be going too far to say that this refers to some
religious ceremony.
'^ Words of doul)tful meaning. It is not impossible that c-atini is for c-auua,
the temple of Istar at Erech, and in this case liiba might mean " precinct," or
something of the kind.
ii8
Mar. II] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
the inscriptions, Umk supiiri, literally, " Erech of the fold," probably
so named because of some special enclosure which surrounded it.
He was renowned for his wisdom and knowledge, no less than as
the royal traveller who had undertaken a journey to find out the
secret of life and death, which seems to have been the subject of the
legend which gives these details. Naturally such adventures as he
went through could not be those of a mere man, and the Babylonians
therefore believed him to be two parts divine and one part human,
as is stated in the legend first published by the late G. Smith.
According to Jensen's completion of the first tablet of that series, he
was created or formed by the goddess Arum, the chief divinity of
Ya'ruru, which seems to have lain near Sippar, and to have formed
a twin city with it. As he was great and renowned, the goddess was
requested to form another like him, and it was prophesied that the
twain would compete with each other, apparently for the advantage
of the city of Erech, in friendly rivalry. Forming in her heart a
Hkeness of the god Anu (one of the deities of Erech), and washing
her hands, she pinched off a piece of clay, which she threw down on
the ground. The result was the creation of Ea-du, a warrior, one
of " Ninib's host." His whole body was covered with hair, and the-
hair of his head was long, like that of a woman. i' He lived, like a
wild man, with the beasts of the field, eating herbs like the gazelles,
until one day a young hunter saw him, and, suspecting him of divers
pranks to his own disadvantage, went and told his father. The
latter advised him to report the matter to Gilgames, v/hich he did,
and measures were taken to entice this wild man to Erech. With
the huntsman was sent a woman, who tempted Ea-du with her
charms, and having brought him to her feet, thereafter the wild
creatures with which he lived became afraid of him, and ran away.
This being the case, he returned to his tempter, who flattered him,
telling him how fair and like a god he was, and inviting him to
come to Erech, the glorious city, where was the temple of Anu and
Istar, and the abode of Gilgdmes, the great hero, rivalling even
himself in wisdom and strength. Roused at the thought of meeting
one with whom he was so evenly matched, Ea-du decided to go to
''' In the legend first published Gilgames calls Ea-du his "younger brother,"'
probably because they were both of divine origin. His being described as a
"' hairy man" reminds one of Esau, and in the love which Gilgames bore for him
we have a Babylonian prototype of David and Jonathan. It cannot be said,
however, that the Bible has plagiarized in either of these cases.
119 I
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOCV. [1903.
Erech, there to meet the great hero of the place. In the meanwhile
the Erechite: ruler has two dreams, which he relates to Remut-Belti,
his mother, who interprets them as referring to Ea-du, who is to be
his friend and future helper, and when he goes to meet the latter, he
resolves to tell him of these visions which referred to him.
The fragmentary state of the text in the passages which follow
make the narrative very uncertain just here, and the next event of
which the narrative treats seems to be the expedition Gilgames and
Ea-du made wiih the object of killing the Elamite tyrant Humbaba,
a mighty warrior, greatly to be dreaded, who lived in the midst of a
forest of cedars. So dangerous, in fact, was the undertaking, that
the mother of Gilgames, to all appearance, counselled against it.
Notwithstanding this, however, all seems to have ended happily, and,
after many adventures, the tyrant was ultimately deprived of his
head. In consequence of this and other successes, Gilgames would
seem to have celebrated a kind of triumph on returning to Erech ;
and when Istar, the goddess of the city, saw him in his royal
clothing, with his tiara on his head, she wished to espouse him.
This, however, was not to the taste of the hero, who, notwithstanding
that she was, with Anu her father, the chief goddess of the city,
immediately began to reproach her with her treatment of Tammuz,
the husband of her youth, and her numerous other favourites, all of
whom had reason to rue their ill-luck in attracting the attention of
the goddess of love. The sequel has been frequently related.
Angered, the goddess mounted up to heaven, and asked the help ol
her father Anu and her mother Anatu, the result being that a
winged bull was assigned to her as her champion. Even against
this divine animal, however, were the two friends successful, and
after they had killed him, Ea-du cut off a portion of his body, and
threw it at the goddess in scorn, threatening, if he got hold of her,
to make her like her dead champion. Istar and her devotees then
made lamentation over the portion of the bull which had been cut
off, whilst Gilgames called the cunning workmen of his city to look
at the enormous and beautiful horns of the divine animal which he
and his friend had killed. These objects were of lapis-lazuli, and
the two together held six i^tir of oil, which amount the hero gave to
his god Lugal-banda for ceremonial purposes, retaining the horns
themselves as trophies. His people again acclaimed him as a hero,
after which he held joyful festival in his ])alace.
Of their further adventures the tablets have preserved only
120
Mar. II] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
fragmentary remains, and where the text again becomes fairly
comprehensible, Ea-du has fallen into a trance, from which he does
not awaken, and to all appearance this trance is in reality death.
On realizing this, Gilgames seems to have set out to find some
means of getting his friend restored to him, and in his quest he
travels far and wide. From the remains of the text as restored by
Jensen, we see that he meets with various people, who all notice his
care-worn and weather-beaten appearance : and if the completions be
correct, as seems certain, they all speak of it in the same words,
more or less. Whenever asked, he answers that it is on account of
his friend, the panther of the plain, his "younger brother," with
whom he had ascended mountains, bad seized and slain the divine
bull, had smitten Humbaba dwelling in the cedar-wood, — the friend
with whom he had killed lions, and performed other deeds. His
fate had come upon him, and on that account Gilgames had be-
wailed him six days and (seven) nights, when the fear of death came
upon him, and he fled, running over the plains along a distant road,
and the thought came over him : "Shall I not (also) lay me down
like him, and not rise up again to all eternity?" i''
The death of his friend had to all appearance awakened in his
heart that question which has disturbed so many, and upon which
diverse opinions prevail even now. and will do, perhaps, as long as
there are men on the earth. The thought which at last took form
in his mind seems to haVe been, that he would continue his journey
until he reached the presence of Ut-napistim, the son of Ubara-
Tutu,^^ and during the dangers of the road he would pray to the
moon-god Sin, and to the goddess Istar, whom he had at one time
so mercilessly reproached, rousing her hostility and anger. After a
dream, which probably foretold success, he seems to have set out on
his wanderings again, and reached mount Masu, where he sees the
scorpion-men, the very sight of whom was death to the ordinary
mortal. As, however, he was two parts god and the third part man,
their aspect did not mean death for him, as the monsters themselves
recognised. He asks them about Ut-napistim, his father, who had
attained life in the assembly of the gods, and in reply they tell him
of the road he has to traverse, where darkness exists, and there is
Anakii zd ki SaSii-tna aiiellamina : u la alebbd d/irddr, as restored by Jensen,
from a comparison of the passages where the phrase occurs.
'' Also written Umbara-Tutu.
121 I 2
Mar. ii]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCII^'.OLOGV.
[1903.
no light, either (so the description seems to say) at sunrise, or at
sunset. After the interview, he set out on his travels again, and
traversed (as it would seem) the path of the sun, 1 2 kas-gid,
according to the old calculation, about 84 miles. Here at last he
found brightness, and a wonderful garden, full of the trees of the
gods, which he rushed forward to see. One of them seems to have
been called *' chalcedony " (grey or blue grey stone), and bore
clusters which were good to the sight, whilst another was apparently
called " lapis " {iiknu), and bore the hashaltu^ a fruit which was
attractive (?) to the sight. The remainder of the description is
fragmentary, but there seems to have been a fairly long description
of other wonderful things of a similar nature.
{To be continued.^
Mak. II] THE TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF BOD-'ASTART. [1903.
THE TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF BOD-'ASTART,
KING OF THE SIDONIANS.
By E. J. PiLCHER.
The newly discovered text of Bod-Ashtart is a noteworthy
addition to Phcenician epigraphy ; and as there are still considerable
differences of opinion as to its proper reading and interpretation,
a few remarks thereon may not be out of place in the Froceedifigs.
The text in question was discovered upon a small steep hill,
situated about two kilometres from the modern town of Saida, and
in the vicinity of the ancient cemeteries where were found the
sarcophagus of Eshmunazar II in 1855, and that of king Tabnith
in 1887. The surface of this hill is strewn from top to bottom with
blocks of hewn stone, many of which have been used to support the
narrow terraces into which the slope has been divided for purposes
of cultivation. Half way up — about fifty metres above the level of
the Mediterranean — there appeared to be the remains of ancient
walls. Early in the year 1900, the proprietor, the Druse sheikh
Nassib-bey Jemblat, employed four workmen to remove some of the
blocks from these walls for building purposes. While thus occupied,
the workmen noticed that there were letters cut upon some of the
blocks they were handling, the hollows of these letters having been
painted red. A neighbouring dealer in antiquities being informed
of the find, clandestinely purchased two or three of the inscriptions
from the men ; and, as the blocks were far too heavy to be readily
transported, he induced them to cut off slabs some fifteen or twenty
centimetres thick, and remove them to the adjacent village of
Halalieh. Meanwhile, however, the matter came to the ears of the
authorities, and the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople
commissioned Th. Macridy-Bey to explore the site. The excava-
tions conducted by Macridy-Bey revealed the fact that the ruins
consisted of a rectangular platform, carefully oriented to the four
123
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
cardinal points, measuring about sixty metres from east to west, and
forty-four metres from north to south. The retaining wall of this
platform was composed of blocks of hewn limestone, each one about
a metre cube. The excavator was rewarded by the discovery of
fresh copies of the Bod-Ashtart inscription, making a total of seven
examples, and also some other fragmentary texts, proving that the
building had been a temple dedicated to the god Eshmun, the
Phoenician .T^sculapius. Further explorations resulted in the dis-
interment of a number of fragments of statues, etc., in terra-cotta,
limestone, and Grecian marble. The terra-cottas and the limestone
objects were of the well-known Cypr'ote type, but of far superior
execution, while the marbles were obviously Greek in style and
execution.! The discovery of these objects of the Greek period is,
of course, of great importance, as tending to prove the accuracy of
M. Clermont-Ganncau's ascription of the Eshmunazar dynasty (to
which Bod-Ashtart belonged) to the Ptolemaic age.
It was surprising to find in the ruins no less than seven identical
copies of the royal inscription; Imt {he position of these inscriptions
was still more remarkable. In no case did they face outwards ; that
is to say, they could never have been seen in the original external
face of the platform wall : in every case the portion of the stone
which bore the lettering was turned inwards, so as to come in the
vertical joint of the masonry ; and they do not appear to have been
ranged in any order, but to have been distributed haphazard
throughout the walls. As M. Berger remaiks, the primary object of
an inscription is to have it read, and it is most extraordinary that the
builders should have taken the trouble to engrave these letters, and
distinguish thtm with red paint, and then to turn them into the
walls, where they could never by any chance have been perceived
until the building was totally demolished. The Babylonians, it is
true, were in the habit of depositing records in the foundations of
their edifices ; but if Bod-Ashtart wished to notify posterity in a
similar manner, it would seem an unnecessary refinement to fill in
the lettering with red paint. M. Durighello has suggested that the
present platform wall was a work of the Roman period, in which the
constructors used up some more ancient material. But Macridy-Bey
points out that the blocks are composed of the local limestone, which
' " Le Temple d'Echmoun a Sidon," par Th. Macridy-Bey. Kevue
Bibliqiit Intcrnai.ionalc, p. 69. Jan., 1903.
124
Mar. II] THE TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF BOD-'ASTART. [1903.
is very soft, and would not have borne any such re-handhng. More-
over the joints in the masonry have been carefully fitted together,
and are so close that the blade of a knife cannot be inserted between
them, and he has, therefore, no doubt that they occupy their original
position. The freshness of the red paint also proves that the stones
have never been interfered with since they were originally laid.
The only alternative suggestion, therefore, would be that — like
Solomon's temple — the platform of Eshmun " was built of stone
made ready at the quarry ; and there was neither hammer nor axe
nor any tool of iron heard in the house while it was building." But,
before the courses of hewn stone were actually laid, some revolution
or change of dynasty occurred, which made it injudicious for the
architect to exhibit the name of Bod-Ashtart ; and, consequently,
the inscribed blocks were quietly turned inwards and concealed
from view.
Notwithstanding the fact that seven examples of the inscription
have been unearthed, the various gentlemen who have worked at its
decipherment have not been unanimous in their transcription of it.
This has been due to three causes. In the first place, the local
dealers followed the detestable Oriental practice of breaking the
slabs into two or three pieces, with the object of driving a separate
bargain for each fragment. This, of course, caused the mutilation
and loss of some of the characters. In the second place, hand
copies and tracings of the inscriptions were made by persons who
had no acquaintance with the Phoenician alphabet, and who, con-
sequently, committed serious errors in the copies they distributed.
Lastly, a local dealer in antiquities has confessed to fabricating two
counterfeit slabs, with lettering imitated from the originals. From
all these circumstances, therefore, it is evident that reported varia-
tions in the readings must be regarded with the gravest suspicion.
The following transcription into Square Hebrew characters has
been made from the excellent heliogravure published by M. Philippe
Berger," compared with the photograph prepared by Prof. Torrey,
of Yale University.^ Two of the inscriptions first discovered were
secured for the Louvre at Paris, where they are now exhibited. One
of these is practically complete, and formed the basis of M. Berger's
- " Memoire sur les Inscriptions de Fondation du Temple d'Esmoun a
Sidon," pir M Philippe Berger. Paris, 1902.
^ " A Phcenician Royal Inscription," by Charles C. Torrey. Journal of the
American Oriental Society. Vol. XXIII, p. 156. New Haven (Conn.), 1902.
125
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.LOLOGV. [1903.
rendering. The other seems never to have been finished. Prof.
Torrey happened to be in Palestine in the autumn of 1900, and
there learned of the discovery. After prolonged negotiations, he
acquired one of the inscriptions, which is now at New Haven
(Conn.), U.S.A. The American specimen appears to have been
executed by a different workman to the engraver of the Berger slab,
as the fashion of the letters varies slightly in the two examples.
Misled by a crack in the stone, M. Berger read the sixty-eighth letter
as Afem. The palsographical acuteness of M. Clermont-Ganneau,
however, perceived it to be Van, and the reproduction of Prof. Torrey
plainly shows it to be Vau, although the latter savant, curiously,
reads it as Kaph, which is not unlike 1 in this alphabet.
The standard text consists of ninety-six characters. The arrange-
ment of the lines varies in the different examples, but it may be
divided as follows : —
Gi:U>l pt^ D^n Q^^ D'' ]Tjn 3-
which may be rendered :— -
1. King Bod-Ashtart, king of the Sidonians, son of
2. the son of king Eshmunazar, king of the Sidonians
3. in Sidon-of-the-Sea Exalted-heavens Land-of-Reshephs,
4. Sidon-moshel-Eshbon, and Sidon-sadeh,
5. this temple has built to his god Eshmun, Prince of the
Sanctuary.
There is no difference of opinion regarding the meaning of lines
I, 2 and 5 ; but lines 3 and 4 have puzzled all the decipherers. It
would be very tempting to read these as a royal proclamation or
dedication ; but the difficulty is that they will not construe, and the
only explanation of them which appears justifiable is that of M.
Clermont-Ganneau,^ who regards them as a list of localities in the
Sidonian territory. The learned orientalist, however, reads six
^ " Les Inscriptions Pheniciennes du Temple d'Kchmoun a Sidon." Keciicil
d'Aixhhlogie Orientalc, par Ch. Clermont-Ganncau, p. 217. Octobre, 1902.
126
I.
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7.
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Mar. II] THE TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF BOD 'ASTART. [1903.
localities, whereas it may be permissible to reduce them to three.
It Will be observed that the word " Sidon " is repeated three
times. If the two lines gave a list of the Sidonian possessions,
we should have expected the Sidons to have been mentioned first,
and then followed by the other places. But the inscription dis-
tributes the "Sidons" among the other words. The inference,
therefore, would seem to be that in each case we have to deal with
a " Sidon " which is defined by the words which follow. Thus we
would have : — ■
1. Sidon yam samaivi ramim 'eres relaphim
2. Sidon nwsel 'Esbon
3. Sidon sade/i.
I. It seems impossible to resist the conclusion that samaim
ramim and ^erei resaphim are epithets of the town of Sidon. Sidoti
yam may be at once equated with the Sidon 'ires yajji of lines 16
and 18 of the Eshmunazar inscription. DD1 Q^II^ does not occur
in Eshmunazar, but in lines 16 and i 7 he mentions 3"^"!^^ Q?2'^
in the following connection : — " We have built the temples of the
gods [the temple of Astarte] in Sidon, land of the sea, and have set
up Astarte samaitn 'adirim ; and we who have built the temple to
Eshmun, [Prince of the Sanctuary] of 'Ain Yidlal in the Mountain,
and we have made him inhabit samaim \-idirim" The first use of
the phrase offers little difficulty, and reminds us of the fact that the
classical rendering of Astarte samaim \xdirim of Sidon was Venus-
Urania. But, in the second instance, the connection is not obvious.
Eshmunazar can hardly have meant that he installed Eshmun in
" magnificent heavens," unless that phrase denoted some part of a
temple. In Ezra x, 2, H'C^*' means "to marry," so that it is possible
that a union between Eshmun and [Astarte] samaim 'adirim, is
expressed. The editors of the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum,
following Schlottmann, have divided the two words as QTIi^T^ QII^,
and read, " we have made him inhabit 'there with thanksgiving.'"
In the case of the Bod-Ashtart text, however, while the word-
division
"in Sidon there with praise to Eres-Resheph," is possible, and may
be defended by comparison with Ps. cxlix, 6, " Let the high praises
of God be in their mouth ; " yet the preposition D\i^ appears
decidedly out of place. With regard to 'Eres reshaphitn, it is not
127
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
absolutely certain that a locality is meant. Lines 2 and 1 1 of the
Hadad inscription of Zenjerli give a list of the gods of Ya'di, in
which the Resheph of line 2 is replaced by Arq-Resheph in line 11.
As, by the law of phonetic interchange, a Zenjerli p corresponds to
a Hebrew ^,^ and as p'M^ in these inscriptions undoubtedly
means "land," it follows that the Pj'C^'^p'^h^ of Zenjerli would be
^1'^*'^!!')^^ in Phoenician, and thus the Eres-Resheph of Bod-Ashtart
would be a synonym of Resheph. lUlt^ was a Palmyrene deity,
and Eres-Resheph may have been a fusion of two personages
originally, though at the time of the Zenjerli texts they were con-
sidered a unity.
2. Sidon-mosel- Eshon, or, Sidon the dominator of Eshbon, is
difficult to explain without a knowledge of the minuter geography of
the Sidonian territory. The Moabite Heshbon (Jer. xlviii, 2) is,
of course, out of the question, 'j^.ti^^^ occurs as a proper name
in Genesis xxxvi, 26.
3. Sidon sadeh, or, "Sidon of the field," compared, with Neh. xii,
29, is explicable as the country part of the Sidonian territory.
In the Assyrian period there were Greater Sidon and Lesser
Sidon. If, therefore, we add the Canton of Sidon, we shall have
the three localities of Bod-Ashtart. M. Clermont-Ganneau very
shrewdly points out that seaport towns tend to divide into two parts,
the one section being on the shore, and the other inland. We
need hardly be surprised at the mythological titles applied to Sidon-
of-the-Sea, for it was regarded by its inhabitants as a Holy City —
witness its autonomous coins, which, from 121 B.C. onward, bear
the legend ZIAHNIIIN THZ lEPAZ KAI AZYAOY.
The only other point of note in the inscription of Bod-Ashtart
is the title applied to Eshmun, viz., Sar Qodcs, or " prince of the
sanctuary." In the Eshmunazar text, line 17 is damaged, but
ll^lp • • 'l?0lil'^ can be easily made out. In view of our new inscrip-
tion, it is unquestionable that the missing characters are ^tT, so
that we have to deal with the same deity, " Eshmun, Prince of the
Sanctuary." It is interesting to observe in this connection that one
of the classes of priests at Jerusalem was also called " Princes of the
Sanctuary" (i Chron. xxiv, 5), which must therefore be a sacerdotal
title, and that the Moabites also had " princes," as well as priests,
■' "Die altsemitischen Inschriften von Sendschirli," von Dr. Dav. Ileinr.
Miilkr, p. 41. \'iL'nna, 1893.
128
Mar. II] THE TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF BOD-'A§TART. [1903.
in the worship of Chemosh (Isaiah xlviii, 7). Consequently it is
possible that the " princes " of Hosea iii, 4, may be likewise " Princes
of the Sanctuary," and not members of the royal family.
Bod-Ashtart, king of the Sidonians, is not entirely an unknown
personage, for C.I.S. I, 4 reads : —
" In the month ^^^72, in the year of the reign of king Bod-
Ashtart, king of the Sidonians, dedicated Bod-Ashtart, king of the
Sidonians, this plain of land to his god Ashtart."
This, however, gave no indication of the position of the king in
Sidonian history, and the new text completes our knowledge by
informing us that he was " son of the son of king Eshmunazar,
king of the Sidonians." Exactly the same phraseology as that em-
ployed by Eshmunazar II in his line 14. It would thus appear that
Eshmunazar II and Bod-Ashtart were grandsons of Eshmunazar I,
and that they succeeded one another on the throne of Sidon.
Whether these two monarchs Avere brothers or cousins does not
appear, but MM. Berger and Clermont-Ganneau incline to the idea
that they were cousins. The Eshmunazar dynasty may have been
the last line of the kings of Sidon. That the Sidonians were ruled
by kings to a very late period appears to be demonstrated by
numismatic evidence ; for even in the reign of the Seleucid Demetrius
Soter (162-150 B.C.), the small brass autonomous coins of Sidon
bore the legend " of Demetrius, king of the Sidonians," showing
that the Greek rulers found it politic to flatter the local feeling by
posing as kings of Sidon, not to mention the value of such a title
in discounting the pretensions of native claimants to the throne.
-29
Mak. 11] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS.
VI.
By Percy E. Newberrv.
41. A Stela dated in the reign of Ab-aa. — In the
Turin Papyrus of Royal names, there is mentioned a king
\% C!lMIM£i] ^
" Uah-ab-ra Ab-aa,"
who is stated to have reigned " ten years, eight months and twenty-
eight days " : he belongs to the Sebekhetep group, and is placed
between Kha-hetep-ra and Mer-nefer-ra. Of monuments dating
from his reign, four only are at present known; these are: (i) A
cylinder-seal in the Grant Collection at Liverpool, giving his pre-
nomen, and naming him as "beloved of Sebek, Lord of Sunu";
(2) a scarab of the characteristic "Sebekhetep" type in the Petrie
Collection ; (3) a fragment of a blue glazed faience vase, found by
Prof. Petrie at Kahun ; ' and (4) a stele that was discovered by
native diggers near Thebes in 1900, and is now preserve.! in the
British Museum (No. 1348). Unfortunately, these monuments
supply us with no details concerning the parentage or life of Ab-aa,
but it seems not improbable that we should identify him with the
vi^ fi^ ' " ^^cneral," Ab-aa, whose name continually appears among
the Court Officials mentioned in the Great Account Papyrus of
Bulac.2 This document certainly dates from the reign of one of
the later Sebek-hetep kings, and it is possible that the General
Ab-aa married one of the numerous princesses named in the
papyrus, and so obtained some sort of claim to the throne of
Egypt.3
' Pelric, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara, PI. X, 72.
- Mariette, Biilac Papyri, Tome II, PI. XVI, I, 4, etc.
•* .Since writing the aliove, I have noticed in the Museo Civico at Bologna, a
small st.ituette of the Xlllth dynasty date, bearing the name of a Vezir Ab-aa.
The inscription on this statuette is as yet unpublished.
130
Mar. ii]
EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (\T).
[1903-
The stela in the British Museum dated in King Ab-aa's reign
has been described by Dr. Budge in his recent History of Egypt
(Vol. Ill, pp. 104-105), but so briefly that I am glad to be able to
avail myself of his permission to give a copy of the text upon it,
which I made at Thebes in the winter of 1900, when it was still in
a Luxor dealer's hands. The inscription, it will be seen, asks for
offerings for : (i) an " nartu of the Ruler's Table," named Sa-hather ;
(2) various members of his family, both living and deceased ; and
(3) several of Sa-hather's friends. The text runs : —
(")
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Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1903-
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132
Mar. II] EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (\T).
^
' cr-3
a.
[1903-
15-
14
Zl I I I
16.
^
1 ^
1 ^
P J
The Family of Sa-hather. ' (A^a/nes in italics are females.)
The sab and dri Nekhen, Usertsen-usa = Kheusii
L ^ J
, I
The 7iartu of the Ruler's Table, = The ankhet of Upper Egypt,
Sa-hather Senh-sen
I . , I
The sab and di'i Neklieu,
Abu
1
Usa-res
cS
C
0-
CJ
u
J^
aj
<
OJ
Friends of Sa-hather
Overseer of the Secrets of Amen, Ab-aa.
The Siave of the Ruler, Det-nes.
The sab and dri Nekhen, Neb-sunu.
— His mother Erdet-ne
— [His wife ?] the Lady Ha-ankh-es.
— Her son, Ren-senb.
The Attendant, Kebs.
The 7/(?/;-priest of Amen, Ren-senb.
The priest, Amen-em-sa-ef.
The 7ner shent of the Temple, Ainen-nekht.
The Great one of the Southern Tens, Dede-Amen.
— The son of his daughter, the Great one of the Southern
Tens, Dede-Amen.
The Steward of the Granary, Beba.
— His brother, Athy.
133
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1903.
(15) The Lady, Zani-khebs-bu (?).
(16) ,, Mentu-nesu.
(17) The Royal benerQ), Rensenb.
(18) The Overseer of the secrets of Amen . S . . . ankh-ef.
(19) The sab and ari Nekheti, Amenhetep.
(20) The Lady, Neferu.
(21) The uab-i^xxQ.'sX of Amen, Ab-aa.
(22) The Lady, Senb-tesi.
(23) The Lady, Mesy ....
(24) .... Nub-em-meh-ab.
(25) The Steward of the Granary, Sa-hather.
The title of Sa-hather, ^^^^va^^vs | iTr\ ^'- uartu of the Ruler's
A
Table," is a common one from the end of the Twelfth Dynasty
onwards to the beginning of the Eighteenth. An iiartu, as I have
shown elsewhere,* was some kind of military officer. The word iiar
means "to run swiftly," "to flee;" so the uartu may perhaps have
been an officer whose duty it was to carry the King's or General's
orders, a kind of " special messenger," " despatch rider," or even an
" aide-de-camp ; " the uarfii ne heq khaut would therefore appear
to have been the special messenger in attendance upon the Ruler,
who, in the troublous times of the Hyksos period, was ready at a
moment's notice to carry important military orders to any part of
the land that his Ruler might direct him to go to.
The title of Sa-hather's wife, ■¥- ^^^^ 4j '^ , '■'■ A7ikhet oi ^\\q
1 <Ci X I i:^
Res-tep " (/>., Upper Egypt), is a very rare one, and I cannot
explain its meaning : it may be compared with the well-known
title, -T"^^, '' Ankhet q{ \k\Q City."^
42. A Cup of Serekhetep IIL — \x\ a previous note (No. 24^),
printed in the Proceedings of May, 1901, I described a blue glazed
faience ring-stand for a vase, bearing the cartouches of Sebek-
hetep III, which was then in the Dattari Collection in Cairo. At
the same time I mentioned that there was a somewhat similar object
in the Myer's Collection at Eton College. This object is not,
however, a ring-stand, but a blue glazed faience drinking-cup
■^ In Garstang's El Araheh, p. 33.
* Cf. my El Bersheh, I, p. 8, note 3, where it clearly has an honourable
meaning.
134
Mar. II EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (VI). [1903.
3I inches in height and 4 inches in diameter across the mouth ;
Tiround its circumference it bears the following inscription written in
black ink under the glaze : —
OQ.
iii»^qiAf;
A blue glazed faience ring-stand of about the same period as
this cup is m Mr. MacGregor's Collection at Tamworth : it is
inscribed with the de hetep seten formula to Sebek, Lord of Semenu,
and was made for a man [no titles given] named Nuseneb.''
Two other and similar ring-stands are also known : one bearing the
name of the Hpi n [I ^IJ, "Scribe in charge of the Seal, Aua," is
in the Dattari Collection; and the other with the name of the
-^^^^^^'' "Guardian of the bows (? ?), Sa-aah," is in the
British Museum (35,414).
43. King Amenemhat-sebekhetep. — In a note, No. 34, in
ihese Proceedings (Vol. XXIV, p. 250), I called attention to a new
Thirteenth Dynasty king, Amenemhat-sebekhetep, whose name
occurs on a small steatite cylinder-seal belonging to Mr. Theodore
]\I. Davis. Through the kindness of Mr. Towry Whyte, F.S.A.,
I am now able to give a drawing of another monument of this new
king {see Plate, fig. i). It is a fragment of limestone with the
king's cartouche cut upon it that has evidently been cut out of
some historical inscription (presumably an inscription in a tomb).
i\Ir. Towry Whyte tells me that it was sold at Messrs. Sothebys' on
the 29th June, 1894 (Lot 51), but he has no idea as to its present
whereabouts. Could any member of this Society inform me in
whose hands it now is ?
44. An Early Thirteenth Dynasty Stela. — In the Rev.
C. J. ^2\\^ Light from the East, p. 77, is given a photographic
reproduction of a stela of an ^ e=^ v\ /vw/vn | '^^^ <' uartu of the
Ruler's Table/' ~ named iW^ H vB^ Khu-nes, with the usual de hetep
seten formula to Ptah-Seker-Osiris, Lord of Dedu. Khu-nes, it is
^ See H. Wallis, Egyptian Ceramic Art, PI. I, fig. 2.
' See above, p. 133.
135 K
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903
Stated on the monument, was the son of a
"Royal Son, Au-nef," whose name as a prince is not otherwise
recorded. In the Turin "List of Kings," however, we meet with
a name that has been read
(9 , ^,
Auf-na, or
Auf-ni, but which might equally well be
transcri
bed [ [ V\ W^ I J] Au-nef, as will be seen from
the arrangement of the hieratic
signs. Now this king is the fifth
of the line which immediately
succeeded the Twelfth Dynasty,
and he preceded the Ameny-antef-
■ Amenemhat whose beautiful table of offerings is in the Cairo ^luseum.
The style of Mr. Ball's stela is undoubtedly early Thirteenth Dynasty
in date; it therefore appears probable that we should identify the
Prince Au-nef mentioned on it with the King Au-nef of the Turin
list, of whom not a single other monument has yet been found.
I may here correct a slight inaccuracy in Mr. Ball's interesting book.
He states {op. cit., p. 76) that tlie stela had been "found" by me ;
this is not so, for at the time I acquired it I had not done any
excavating in Egypt beyond clearing the painted chambers of tombs.
The stela was in reality bought by me from a Luxor dealer, who
stated that it had been found near Mohalla, opposite Gebelen.
45. A Monument of Kha-ankh-ra Sebekhetep. — Monuments
bearing the name of King Kha-ankh-ra Sebekhetep are very rare :
all that were hitherto known being, (i) a fine altar in the Leyden
Museum ; ^ (2) four blocks of stone from a temple or other building ; ^
and (3) a scarab bearing the prenomen of this king combined with
that of his predecessor, Kha-nefer-ra.^*^' To these may now be
added a piece of black granite, 6^ inches wide by 5 inches high,
from the pedestal of a statuette, which was acquired at Thebes
« Leyd. Mon., I, PI. XXXVII.
' In the Louvre.
'" In the Ashmolean Museum. The scarab figured in Petrie's History, I,
p. 218, fig. 129, from the Grant Collection, is very late, and cannot well be
attributed to this king.
136
Mar. ii]
EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (\T).
[1903-
in 1898, and is now in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney
(see Plate, fig. 3).
46. Some Small Inscribed Objects : —
(a) An oval steatite bead of Usertsen I, inscribed : —
|Tf 0 ^liJ-iT) is in the Grant Collection at Liverpool.
{l>) A round steatite bead, coated with green glaze, of Amenenihat,
mscnbed : — \<>^ I V\ ^^=^
V^ -g^ ^ J\^
^lurch Collection at Luxor.
(r) A round paste bead, coated with green glaze, of the Divine
Wife, Hatshepset, inscribed : — |
di^^
HLt
is in the Murch Collection at Luxor.
(d) A small green glazed steatite cylindrical-shaped bead bearing
the prenomens of Amenhetep I and Thothmes III. (Murch Collec-
tion) :
(e) A lid of a small wooden box with a vertical line of hiero-
glyphs running down the centre, and reading : — " Made by the
stone-borer of the Yezir, the favoured of his lord, Neb-amen " (see
Plate, fig. 2). A coloured drawing of this lid, made at Rome in
1824, is among the Dodswell Manuscripts in the British Museum
(Add. MS., 33,958, f. 50, 3).
47. Wine Jar Inscriptions from Tell el Amarna. — The
two ostraca figured here were bought last winter at Tell el Amarna
by my friend Dr. Granville, of Cairo, and they are interesting as
giving the names of two " Overseers of the Vintners of the temple of
137 K 2
Mar. ii]
SOCIKTV OF BIDLICAL AKCII.-liOLOGV.
[1903-
the Aten" at Tell el Amarna in the time of Akhenatcn. Their
inscriptions read : —
[^]u%.
I II
&
c-3
" [wine of the temple of the At]en
" [the Overseer] of the Vintners
[iT]:^^o-.o]|
AAAAAA
A/VWV\
A/WW\
I r I
u'
" [wine] of the temple of the Aten, of the western river " ;
"the Overseer of the Vintners, Zay."
The name of Zay occurs also on a fragment of a jar inscription
figured by Prof. Petrie in his Te// el Aimirna, PI. XX^', 97, but the
man's titles have been destroyed.
^UlCI'^
138
Proc, Soc. Bilii. Arr/;., March, 1903.
1.
II
ami
Mar. II] CHRONICLES, EZRA AND NEIIEMLMI. [1903.
THE GREEK VERSIONS OF CHRONICLES, EZRA,
AND NEHEMIAH.
[Extract from a letter of Prof. C. C. Torrey, addressed to
Sir IIenry IIoworth.]
Your main conclusions are, I think, tlie only tenable ones, and I
am delighted to see the whole matter at last set forth in such a
satisfactory manner.
When I began lecturing on '' Introduction to the Old Testament
Apocrypha," nine years ago, I became very much interested in
" Esdras I,'' and was surprised to find that all our modern authorities
were in an Egyptian darkness in regard to the book. Evidently no
one had taken the trouble to study it, for no competent scholar
could study it without seeing the impossibility of the current state-
ments about it. Since 1894. I have taught all my classes, year after
year, that " Esdras I " is simply a fragment of the old Greek version
of Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah ; presenting exactly the arguments
which you state so admirably in your third article. In fact I have
had all this written out in full, and ready for publication for years
past. Whiston's argument, which you cite, was familiar lo me, and
I made use of it in my lectures, referring to his theory that our
canonical Greek Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah is the Theodotion
version, as in every way probable. I never attempted to prove it in
detail, though this could undoubtedly be done, and I had expected
to undertake it ultimately. The theory does not belong to Whiston,
however, and he should not be given any especial credit for it — or
at least not for more than a part of it. Grotius, in his annotations,
to the Old Testament (1644) says, in a note on 2 Chronicles xxxv,
6, that our Greek version of Chronicles is that of Theodotion, while
the two chapters of 2 Chronicles xxxv and xxxvi, with which Esdras I
begins, daftjrom the Septuagiiit (" ex LXX "). " Theodotionis autem
interpretationem in Paralipomenis et aliis quibusdam libris recepit
Graeca Ecclesia." He expresses himself cautiously in this passage,
not explicitly including the whole of Esdras I, for the very obvious
reason that the argument which he happens to be using here, the
139
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF i;ii;LICAL ARCH.^'IOLOGV. [1903.
translation of ilDSj would be a conspicuous failure in Ezra vi, \<^ff.
(= Esdras I, vii, 10 ff.). " Theodotion," he has just observed, very
acutely, " semper vertit c/iarrih-, non ut alii interpretes Tra'o-x"." The
value of this observation is apparent, when we notice that the form
(/)n<TCK (or (/xtacx) occurs eighteen times in the books of Chronicles,
but nowhere else in our standard Greek Old Testament. In the
one passage in Ezra — Nehemiah, where the Passover is mentioned,
viz., chapter vi, ig^fi, it is of course easy to suppose the more
common Wcrx" ^^'^^s substituted at an early date.
As regards the original language of Esdras I, 3/ (the vStory of
the Young Men). It was Semitic ; this is placed quite beyond
question by v, 1-6, the original language of whicli was Hebrew, as
any reader who knows both Greek and Hebrew can see, and as
most scholars have seen. The question whether the language of the
story was Hebrew or Aramaic is then answered, principally by the
word to't6, iii, 4, 8 ; iv, 33, 41, 42, 43, 47. If you will look all
through the Greek Old Tcitament for ]jassages in which ToVe,
"then," "thereupon," is consistently used to continue a narrative,
you will find such examples o/i/y in the Aramaic portions of Daniel
and Ezra, and in this Story of the Young Men. The usage is
neither Greek nor Hebrew ; the ToVe can only stand for the Aramaic
*P"Ti^ • It is not a question of one or two occurrences (such as can
be found, now and then, in all Greek literature). Notice how the
word appears again and again on every one of these pages derived
from the Aramaic — but on no other pages.
I thought you might be interested in the extract, ''The missing
conclusion of Ezra II," which I sent you. The "Joachim" who so
suddenly and unexpectedly ousts Zerubbabel from his leadership in
Esdras I, v, 6, owes his existence to a very commonplace scribal
blunder. The Hebrew text read: ^ni'^T 13. Dp'^l, "And ^/lere
'T T-
rose up with him Zerubbabel." A slight accidental lengthening of
the "1 in 12, making it |3,, "son," did all the mischief.
140
Mar. II] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE HITTITE
INSCRIPTIONS.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., etc.
More than twenty years ago, in 18S1, when bringing the "boss
of Tarkondemos " before the notice of the learned world, ^ I expressed
a hope that I had found what would prove to be " the Rosetta
Stone of Hittite decipherment." That hope was not fulfilled ; the
bilingual text was too short and the other Hittite inscriptions too
few and imperfect to allow of it, while the Hittite system of writing
turns out to have been more complicated than I had anticipated.
The clue which the name of the king Tarkondemos seemed to give
proved to be illusory, and other clues which presented themselves
from time to time were equally barren of results. Attempts at the
decipherment of the inscriptions were indeed made, but they
satisfied only their authors, and none of them has been accepted.
For years I have had to preach the doctrine that we must be
contented with graphic decipherment alone, classifying the hiero-
glyphs, identifying or distinguishing their various forms, and
determining the objects which they were intended to represent.
Of a decipherment of the inscriptions in the true sense of the word
I had given up all hope, unless fortune brought us a bilingual text of
some length.
And yet I believe that the unexpected has really happened, and
that light is at last dawning on the meaning and transliteration of
the Hittite texts. At the outset I have to acknowledge that the
credit of first recognizing the direction which the decipherment of them
should take, and of making the first steps along it, is due to Professor
Jensen. But he has mixed so many arbitrary and unproved assump-
tions with his first intuitions, and so largely adopted the unscientific
methods of his predecessors, as to prejudice the whole of his
system and obscure the elements of truth that were in it. Never-
> Trans. Soc. Bib'. Arch., Vol. VII, p. 248.
141
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF CIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
theless the fact remains that he had the wisdom and penetration to
accept M. Six's discovery of the name of Carchemibh, which is
more than can be said of myself. M. Six suggested the identification
to me before he did so to Prof. Jensen, but I was led away by the
belief that the bilingual "boss" obliged us to give the goat's head
the value of tarkii, and accordingly did not take advantage of it.
The researches embodied in my recent communications to the
Society have, all unknown to myself, prepared the way for my doing
so at last. Those who have read them will remember that among
other points which I believe I have determined are (i) that the
Hittite characters are used ideographically with values not neces-
sarily the same as those which they have when used phonetically,
(2) that the Cappadocian aba-klcs "high-priest" is a word borrowed
from the Babylonian aha-kalla or aba-kale " the chief of the galli,"
and that it is found in the Hittite texts, and (3) that it follows from
this that the Hittite character ^J^ has the phonetic value of ga.
Now, in the inscriptions from Jerablus or Carchemish, we find in a
4 DO 00 Jl
. im (J. n i, HI, 2), or
tb» ^ .
4f .^ ^ and I J ^A^ ^ (J. HI, 3, I, 2, 5, where instead
of the nominative suffix -s, we have the accusative ^ -n.) Here
the last two characters but one in the name are ga and me, the value
of the latter of which has long since been given by the bilingual
boss, while the name itself is followed by the determinative of
"district," which I had previously confounded w'wh the ideograph
of "king." The latter, however, is A (or A) as on the boss of
Tarkondemos, while a /4M ^''"^ pfeVii ^11 =^l'l^e denoted
"country" the first designating the "district" attached to a city,
the second "country" in general, while the third means probably
" mountain-land." 1
A name with which the determinative of " district " is coupled,
which occurs on the monuments of Carchemish, and with one
1 What I have said on this subject in Proc. XXI, 206, is completely
erroneous. My error in confounding two different characteis, at a time when
but few Hittite texts were known, has been followed by all my successors, thus
blocking the way to a successful decipherment of the inscriptions.
142
Mar. II] DECIPHEKMEXT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
exception not elsewhere, and which is formed by four characters,
the second and third of which are respectively ga and me, can have
but one signification. It must be the name of Gargamis or Carche-
mish. M. Six was therefore right in his suggestion, and the phonetic
values of a certain number of the Hittite characters are assured. It
follows from this that the goat's head, besides having the ideographic
value of tarhi as on the bilingual boss, had also the phonetic value
of is or es when used syllabically. It is worth noticing that on a
coin of Laodicea the Phrygian Zeus, with the name of Aseus, holds
a goat by the left hand {Miofuiet, IV, p. 313).
The Hittite inscription on the seal of Indi-limma, the son of
Serdamu,^ in the Ashmolean Museum can now be explained. It
consists of four characters, the last two of which are ideographs
which accompany the figure of a goddess on another seal. The
first two are the goat's head and a bar, similar to the one on the
Kouyunjik seal No. 4, to which an oblique line is attached, separat-
ing it from the ideographs that follow. As the goat's head has the
phonetic value of Is, and we know from the cuneiform inscription
that the name of the goddess represented by the Hittite hieroglyphs
was Iskhar, it is clear that the bar had the phonetic value of k/iar.
It is further clear that the oblique line, like the similar oblique wedge
in the cuneiform texts, served to separate an ideograph from its
phonetic equivalent or else to show that the character with which
it was associated was used ideographically. Consequently Is-khar %,
IDEOGRAPH -f IDEOGRAPH represents the name of the goddess
written both phonetically and ideographically. Equally clear as to
the use of the oblique wedge is the evidence of H. V, 4. Here we
have a word with which I shall deal further on, and which therefore
can be read only provisionally at present. It is written ^ ^ Jffl
y ^ N-DA-Mis (-) -uiis-ya, which other examples show was
pronounced Indamisya. [I represent the oblique wedge by (-) and
ideographs by capital letters.] The tree {inda) and its plural affix
{mis) form together a compound ideograph, and the fact that the last
syllable is further denoted by the phonetic complement mis, is
indicated by inserting the oblique wedge after the ideographs. An
^ The first character ^^^^, however-, may be intended for -(^ khi and not ^
se, since we find the name 'IfiSo.uouTas or 'IpSa^onras in Isaurian inscriptions
copied by Prof. Sterrett at Dulgerler, the ancient Artanada.
143
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
interesting example of the use of the obUquc wedge is the word for
"city," "place" ;//-(-)-;/-D£T. (B. M. 2, Bab. 4), as compared with
m-a-fi-DET. (B. M. 5), where it is dropped as soon as the vowel
after m is writ ten.
The meaning of the oblique line is thus cleared ui) at last. It
is not a word-divider ; that function, as was first pointed out by
Dr. Peiser, is fulfilled by the character Q(g; it was, on the contrary,
used like the oblique wedge in the cuneiform inscriptions of
Cappadocia, to tell us where we are dealing with ideographs and
their phonetic equivalents in the text, or else with abbreviated
syllables. Thus at the beginning of the Hamath inscription it is
found together with Qg in order to indicate that the phonetic reading
of the ideograph <?=«> "prince "is (^% DO 00 ^% ta-me-sy Similarly
it marks a break in the text, and thus may be employed to separate
one sentence (or paragraph) from another, and in the case of an
inscription on a seal perhaps to denote where the legend ends.
The last two examples I have given of the name of Carchemish
follow a word which ends with the same case termination, and as in
three instances this is the name of a deity (as shown by its deter-
minative), the two examples must be adjectival forms of the name of
the city. In order to determine what these adjectival forms are, I
must briefly recapitulate certain facts which have already been laid
before the members of the Society.
(i) Boghaz Keui was a Hittite capital, the centre of the road-
system of eastern Asia Minor, and Hittite inscriptions have been
found on its site both on seals and on the rock. (2) Fragments of
cuneiform tablets have also been excavated there by M. Chantre,
inscribed in a non-Semitic language, which must accordingly have
been that of the Hittite inhabitants. (3) This language turns out
to be the same as that of the two letters from Arzawa in the Tel
el-Amarna collection, in which the name of the king,Tarkundaraus,
had already raised a presumption that they were of Hittite origin.
(4) The language of these letters can be partially deciphered, and
' The ideographic meaning of the basket-handle was first determined by myself
twenty years ago. Prof. Jensen makes it "the lord." Tames appears in the
oblique case ta-tnis in M. 6. In H. V, 4 ^^ TTR OJ]o ^^ Vr (the correct
reading) is probably det. /a-rt-.MKS-w/j, that is tainis. The determinative (a throne
with the emblem of authority stuck in it) with its suffix in H. IV, 4 takes the place of
the adjective "powerful" in line i. In Bor 3 compared with 11. V, 5, []]|
is found in the place of ^ , proving the etiuivalence of the two characters.
144
Mar. II] DKCIl'IIEKMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
the grammatical forms so obtained used for the decipherment of the
Hittite texts. (5) In addition to the Arzawa letters help can also
be obtained from the forms of certain Hittite names in the Tel
el-Amarna tablets and on the Egyptian monuments : thus from
Arzawa we have Arzawaya (Greek \\p^v/3io^) the " Arzawaian," from
Samalli Samali(t)sis "the Samalian"; perhaps also Mizri-ma "the
Borderer," from the Assyrian Muzn, like Miapaio'i in an inscription
from the temple of the Korycian Zeus.
That the nominative singular of the noun terminated in -s was
an early discovery of mine. The names just quoted show that
gentilic adjectives formed their nominative in -ja-s, -sis, and perhaps
-mas. To these forms must be added -nas, one of the Arzawa
letters giving us sak-us KJiattaiuias "the Hittite king," and
Khattannas appearing as Khattiua in the xA.ssyrian representation
of the name of the Hittites who were settled on the Orontes.
The commander of the Hittite cavalry in the war with Ramses II
had the name of Targa-nnas, "he who belongs to the god Tarku."
The same suffix probably appears in Qibsu-na, the name of a town
near Arina in the neighbourhood of Komana, which is written
Qibsu by Sennacherib as well as by Ramses II, who tells us that
Targa-tazis was the captain of its " archers " ; and in the Rukhasi-na
of the Egyptian treaty with the Hittites, I have recognised the
Rukhizi of the Tel el-Amarna tablets {Proc. S.B.A., 1899, pp. 3, 4, 10).
The other suffix -ya is found in a large number of Hittite local
names; e.g., Kunalia and Nulla among the Khattina, and Ippuriya,
Tintuniya, Zarastaniya, Khammukhiya, Zitagbissiya, and Tukhubbiya,
on a tablet discovered by M. Chantre at Boghaz Keui, on which is a
list of tributary towns. ^ The suffixes probably denote the district
attached to a town, Kunalia, for instance, being " the district of
Kunal," Rukhasi-na "the district of Rukhizi."
In the language of Arzawa the termination of the accusative
singular was -;/, that of one of ths oblique cases was a vowel, and that
of the nominative singular, and perhaps also accusative plural, was
s. Another form of the accusative plural ended in -d. When an
adjective or possessive pronoun was closely attached to a substantive
it took the case-ending, the substantive often remaining without
one; thus Kiialuga-talla-n is "messenger" in the accusative, but
Khaluga-talla-ti-n "thy messenger," though we have Khaluga-talla-n
' Among towns with names ending in -na in the same list are . . basbu-na,
Zibiskhu-na, Khammu-na and Khatete-na.
145
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
mi-7i "my messenger"' by the side of the nominative Khahiga-tal-
mis. The oblique cases of the pronouns could be used instead of
the possessive ; tur-mes-w/ is " my sons," literally " the sons of me,"
kalatta-mi "my brother" (though this perhaps is vocative), tur-mes-//
"thy sons." The vowel of the pronoun was, however, apparently
affected by the vocalism of the substantive, since we have gis-
]\iES-/« " thy trees," while ^///j^z-Zfl/ifz-wz^ seems to be "my letter(s)."
With the preposition katti or kat, again, we have katti-ini " to me,"
but kat-ta " to thee." The first person of the aorist or perfect of
the verb terminated in -/ and -iya ; e.g., /al-i and lal-iya " I have
sent " or " given," aiiman-i " I have despatched." The third ptrson
of the precative was denoted by the prefixes k/iu-jna?i, and the third
person plural ended in -(/')//. The termination of the adverb was
-{a)?ida. For other peculiarities of Arzawa grammar, see Froc.
S.B.A., 1897, pp. 2-6.
That the accusative singular in Hittite terminated in -;/ 1
concluded (and stated in the Academy) many years ago. The
conclusion has now been verified by the discovery that the grammar
of Arzawa is practically that of the Hittite texts. I showed at the
same time that the accusative suffix is represented by the sleeve -^ .
This is made clear by the Bowl inscription, which begins with a
crook, the picture of a bowl, and ^, the whole signifying: This
" bowl (I made)." I had already inferred from the Hamath
inscriptions that the first person of the perfect of the verb was
denoted by T and that the mason's trowel meant " to make." In
the Bowl inscription the words " This bowl " are followed by the
mason's trowel and the suffix in question. Arzawa grammar obliges
us to ascribe to the latter the value of -/ or -yn. As the same
suffix is also used to form adjectives, the value must be ya.
We can now return to the three forms of the name of Carchemish.
CQOO Jl . f ODOO JI
1 ^ will be Gar-ga-me-is, h ^ Gar-ga-me-siya-s,
and # ^ , which is in the same case, will be also Garga-
^ '^ ^^
me-si-yas. That '^ terminated in -s I pointed out nearly twenty
years ago.
At Boghaz Keui the god Tarku holds in his hand the flower si,
146
^TAR. II] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
while the goat stands at his side.^ On a coin of Laodicea the god
with the goat is the Phrygian Zeus Aseus. The flower also appears
as a symbol on the coins of Tarsus, where the tutelary god was
probably Sandan or Sandes. Tarsus, — Tarzi in Assyrian and
Aramaic, Tarshish in Hebrew — claims connection with the Isaurian
and Cilician Td/jaat^-, in which those who will may see a side-form of
Tarku.- Perhaps both "goat" and "flower" w^ere alike esi{s) or
asi{s) in the Asianic dialects, and the similarity of sound caused
the flower to be coupled with the goat-god.-' Ases is a Cilician
name found at Hamaxia, and Asios, the eponym of a Lydian
district and tribe,^ took the place of the god Attys the son of Kotys
in some genealogies. Between Lydia and Cilicia there was a close
connection in proper names, mythology and language.
A much injured inscription from Jerablus (Messerschmidt XV,
B i) has in the place of " Carchemish " the ideograph of the
sacred stone ^\^ followed by a doubtful s, si and /. This may read
Qadis-si-i in the genitive or locative case. Carchemish was a Hierapolis
or Sacred city whose sanctity was later on transferred to the neighbour-
ing Membij, and a little to the south of it was Dianse Fanum, now
Zelebi, which is called Ktasha or Qadesli in the geographical list
of Thothmes III (No. 249). See Records of the Fast, New Ser.,
V, p. 37. In the Aleppo inscription, where the writing is archaic
and somewhat abnormal, the district over which the king is said
to rule is a . . ^ /'yx^ \JjT/ , the last syllable of the name
being lost. There are only three districts of which a royal builder at
Aleppo could have called himself king, Aleppo itself, the Assyrian
Khalman, Yakhanu, and Carchemish. The second and third
characters ga-mc exclude the first two, but suit the name of Car-
chemish, and we must therefore conclude that the first character
' The god is represented as having a club in the right hand, the crook or
lituus slung behind the back, and a double-headed sword in the belt. The same
god is figured with his wife or mother at Fraktin, which Prof. Ramsay has shown
10 be Das-tark6n, " the sanctuary (?) of Tarku."
- That Tarasis was the name of a god may be gathered from the compound
name Tarasi-kodissas originally borne by the Isaurian or Lykaonian emperor
Zeno.
^ At Gurun (line 6), if the copy is right, "the supreme god Si" is coupled
with " the supreme goddess CF=D," like Tarku at Fraktin.
■* The Scholiast on Apollodorus Rhodius II, 777 states categorically :
" Lydia was formerly called Asia."
147
Mak. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [1903.
had the value of gar. A variant of it seems to be "^^^SlJf^, possibly
also Qy . I have assumed that the character which follows it is
really ga, since George Smith's copy of the text agrees with
Dr. Messerschmidt's in indicating that such is the case. But there
is a bare possibility of its being really what we shall see hereafter
was the equivalent of a/. If so, the name will be Kha-al-m-[a-n] or
Aleppo, and the initial character will have the value of /v-/ui.
At Gurun* the name of Garchemish is written T ''''^ „„ ^
^ ^ 00 GO ^
Gar-ga-me-i-si-ya (the last character being uncertain). This proves
that Halevy was right in making ^ a vowel ; it also proves that
the vowel is / or e.
Nearly twenty years ago I pointed out that o|]o is another
vowel. Like ^ it is inserted or omitted at the pleasure of the
scribe. I conjectured that it represented e for reasons which we
now know were incorrect. I now make it a. This value is arrived
at on the following grounds : (i) We have seen that a Hittite
adjectival suffix was -iia{s). Now the word for "lord" is written
in the nominative singular in the following ways : t^ (Malatiyeh),
^ 2) 4^ (Bor 2), ^ oUd ^ 4?^ (Merash 3), ^ | 2)
^ (Hamath I, i), ^ | dQo 2) c^ (Hamath V, i), |
°(f^ %^ S) <s|r» (^°^ "' ^ Jerabms II, 7, and Bulgar Maden 1)
% ^ <^^ (Bab. 2). We must read these respectively: X (J.e ,
ideograph), Y^-na-s, 'X.-ii-a-s, X-na-ja-s, X-f/a-c7-ya-s, X-zia-'SA-a-jn-s,
X-na-i. As the suffix is -»a, oflo must be a. (2) Secondly, a
common suffix in the inscriptions is dQd ^ . Thus we find it in
J. Ill, 2, attached to Gar-ga-me-is, and in H. IV, i attached to
the name of a god which also ends in -s. It further appears, as
we shall see, in the demonstrative forms ya- ^ -a (J. Ill, 4,
H. V, 2) by the side oi ya-a (Karaburna i, and Ivriz) and ya-me-s
(J. I, I, M. 4), where for the sake of clearness I assume that d{]q
must be read a. Among the Hittite proper names recorded in the
Assyrian inscriptions the only ones which correspond in form are
* Gurun is called Guriania in an Assyrian letter (K loSo), which further
describes the district of Gamir as being in its neighbourhood.
148
:\rAR. II] DECirilF.RMENT OF HITTITE INSCRirTIONS. [1903.
Kundis-pi and Kustas-pi kings of Kummukh, Tarkunda-pi, and
Sanda-pi {Proc. S.B.A., May, 1889). But the Assyrian ^f- is w/
as well as pi, and it is possible that what was m in some parts of the
Hittite region was pronounced /', / or 7a in others. However this
may be, the spelling Sanda-pi-i seems to indicate a pronunciation
;/«, when we bear in mind parallel names like Sapa-lulme, Sanda-
sarmi, and the like. Moreover, it is difficult otherwise to explain
°D° '^ X ^y ^^^^ ^^^^ of X DOOD It yct-7ne-i on the Izgin
Obelisk (E 17), and ofln 0DC3 \ ya-me-a (followed by "city") at
Gurun (1. 5), not to speak of a- ^ -a by the side of a-7nei " I "
in H. IV, 4. Hence I arrive at the conclusion that '^ had the
value of ;;/. The conclusion is verified by the Kouyunjik seals.
Here Sa)ida-\da?\- me-s on No. 5 corresponds with Sanda- ^ -s on
the others. That it represented either ayn or simple in is shown
by the fact that the proper name Khila-m-s (J. II, i ; III, i, 3) is
written Khila-vi-m at Bulgar Maden (2), and that it follows a
and precedes ar in the name of the Ivriz king. I think it must
have been properly a sonant w, as the oblique line is drawn after
the preceding a in the name of the Ivriz king. It should be noted
that in one of the Jerablias inscriptions (Messerschmidt XV, b 2) DO DO
replaces ^ , which appears in another inscription (J. I, 5) in the
same word.
(To be continued.)
149
Mar. II] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1903.
LIST OF CHARACTERS.
No.
Character.
Object represented. Ideographic Value.
Phonetic \'a
uc.
I
C[]0, 0^0
—
—
a
2
°?^, °K
—
—
ail, el
3
ffi
(altar)
—
i
4
1
(standard planted
ya,(u?)
in the ground)
;5
1
(altar on the
ground)
—
is, (ns ?)
<6
1^
(standard)
—
yas, (;/x 1)
7
if^
(yoke)
s
.8
1
(scourge)
s,{=n
9
&
(ass's head)
—
(a)s, (sa ?)
TO
^
(flower)
—
si
II
\
(knife)
sen? ''cut," "des-
troy "
si
<I2
^
(goat's head)
iarkii^ iarg/iii
is
J 3
^, a
(kid^s head ?)
—
as
^5°
Mar. II] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
Vo.
Character.
Object represented.
14
^
(sleeve)
15
■s>
—
16
^ ^
(water)
17 ' ^, a^
(hyaena ?)
18 : ^
(fist)
19 %^
(basket)
20 ODOD, mm
(four)
21
0
(place)
22
W
(seat)
n
*
(flower ?)
24
fi'
—
^5
Uf
(fist)
26
E^
(boot)
27
%, r
—
28
£"— -1
—
29
^
(ram's head)
30
fe
(couch)
31
<CD, <3D
(quiver)
Phonetic Value.
na, n («), an
before n
A7m/(/a)"Hittite,"i ,ia
ana " God "
71^
in (ni), m?, am
before m
nil's, is ?, an ?
"the earth,"
"land," "below"
to £five
nies
Ml ?, pi 2^ u {que)
mar
la?
li
lul
al, ar
151
Mar. II.] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
No.
Character.
Object represented.
Ideographic Value.
Phonetic Vahie.
32
c^ 1
—
ar
33
y
(plough)
ara " city "
ra, ar
34
^
(bull's head)
aram, ara "city"
ra
35
cf
(rabbit's head)
ga, ka
36
t
(builder's trowel)
ga "to make "
<?■«
37
III, ODIk
(three)
iO^//rt"Hittite"?,
or Khilaqqa,
"Cilician"?
.ga{s'i\ga{il)
38
a
(apron)
kali{iia) "gallos-
priest "
gal, kal
39
IB
(fringe)
—
gar
40
w
—
—
gar, {kha .?)
41
(D
—
—
gat, hat, {at '!)
42
0
(breast plate ?)
—
katen ?
43
^=0^
(vase ?)
—
da
44
^n]
(bundle?)
—
da, na t
45
\- II
—
—
til, tetv
46
U)
—
—
it
47
£P, sa
(depressed hand)
das 2
ta
152
Mak. II] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
No.
48
49
5°
52
Character. Object represented.
^
J
^
53
( ■
54
<|
55
56
^
57
f
58
e\
59
<JV, ■
60
ii
61
A
62
0
63
S
(basket handle)
(leg)
(lituus)
(ram's head on
stand)
(stand)
(sacred cake ?)
(doll)
(crook)
Ideographic Value. Phonetic Value,
a/m '-above,"
"the lord
priest "
Goddess Khila"?
amei " I (am) "
(sacred stone)
(fetish)
(at Malatiyeh)
fa?
ba'i
ba or bal'i
gha {qa)
ghat (or ghan i)
khar
khila "i^ khi't
ya " this "
" god Sandes '' or
" Sandan "
qadis ?
"the Sun-cod"
ya
sanda
lad or lid ?
sis 1
fian
i or y
153
L 2
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1903.
Determinatives.
No.
Character.
Determinative.
Object represented.
I
OS
word-divider
2
'^
denotes an ideograph or ab-
breviated syllable
(Oblique line).
3
33
afifix of plurality
4
?
determinative of a class of
persons
(Word issuing from
the mouth).
5
^
determinative of priests (ga/)
6
c
determinative of soldiers
(Nose and chin).
7
^
determinative of the first personal
pronoun
(Hand pointing to
face).
8
?
determinative of officials
9
F^
determinative of power (ana)
(Hand with dirk).
10
!^
determinative of authority
(Hand with axe).
II
OP
determinative of deity (anas)
(Sacred stone
wrapped in cloths).
12
0
determinative of locality
13
y
determinative of city {ard)
(Plough).
14
i
determinative of city
154
Mar. II] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
No. Character.
Determinative.
Object represented.
15
16
17
determinative of district
determinative of country
determinative of mountain-land
determinative of supremacy
(Conical hill, as in
Cappadocia).
Ideographs.
No.
Character.
Ideographic Value.
Object represented.
I
1 A
" king " {sar-mis)
(Royal head-dress).
2
1:=]
"king" (sar-mes)
3
^
''king" (sar)
(Glove).
4
1
"king" (sar?)
5
ij— 0
" prince "
(Cap?).
6
a
"high-(priest)" (a<5rt[^a//])
7
ft ffl
" temple " {sunfia ?)
8
#
(dwie or timme)
155
Mar. n] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV,
[1903-
No. Character.
Ideographic Value.
Object represented.
^
o
^
" bowl "
« chief"
^ "dirk-bearer"
I
A
" the Sun-(god) " (J^an)
" princely "
" image "
"sanctuary
'' tree " {anda, yatiain)
" to love "
"gate"
" lord " (<7(?);/rt)
" to support "
" inscription "
"seal"
"goddess Iskhara"
156
(Dirk and deter-
minative).
(Throne with symbol
of authority).
(Column).
(Tablet of metal).
Mar. II] THE EGYPTIAN NAME OF JOSEPH. [1903.
THE EGYPTIAN NAME OF JOSEPH.
Bv Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L., etc.
In the list of honours which were conferred upon Joseph after
he had successfully interpreted the dream of Pharaoh, we find the
following : —
"And Pharaoh called Joseph's name Zaphnath-paaneah" (Genesis
xli, 45). Many interpretations of this "name" have been proposed
by scholars: a mere list of them alone would occupy too much space.
I shall only mention the two latest interpretations which have been
adopted by several Egyptologists, and on their authority by Biblical
scholars. Prof. Krall^ and Prof. Steindorff- have both recognized
in it a form of a proper name very common after the XXIst Dynasty.
^ name of a divinity (] ^ ^ f^^ ^ •
Prof Krall proposes ^^ A [I "V ^ Tc-mofifh-ef-onch.
Prof Steindorff, ^^ 1^ "^1 ^ ^1 ^ "f" ^ nc-pnute-ef-onh.
Xe-UrtonfTe- eq SJlW^, "es spricht der Gott und es lebt,"
the god speaks and he lives.
Both these interpretations are open to the same objection : they
make not the slightest reference to what Joseph was, or to what he
had done. The young Hebrew had interpreted to the king two
dreams which had baffled the learning and the intelligence of " all
the magicians of Egypt, and all the wise men thereof." As a reward,
Pharaoh bestowed upon him the highest dignities, the last of which
was this name. It seems natural to think that this name implied
a rank and precedence above those to whom Joseph had shown
' Seventh Oriental Congress of Orienialists, Egyptian Section, p. 92.
- Zeitsckr., 1SS9, p. 41.
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
himself so superior. A name of this kind : " tlie god speaks and he
lives," or " Menthu speaks and he Hves," would be unmeaning in
this case. Besides, admitting that the narrative has been written
long after the event, we must suppose that the writer took care to
avoid serious historical blunders. Certainly at the Court of a
Hyksos king in Lower Egypt, Menthu, a Theban god, could hardly
have been known. I believe, therefore, that Prof. Erman was on
the right path when, as far back as iSSj,-'^ he interpreted the name
as being a title found on the stele in the "Bibliotheque Imperiale •"*
<:^>^ SL ~' dt nt per any, which may be translated,
" the members of the College of hierogrammatists," or of the "Sacred
College."
But I cannot agree entirely with Prof. Erman. This is not the
usual way of writing this title: it is generally ~TA Si (In-
script. of Canopus, 1. 34): ° s 0 ^^ (Mendes stele, 11. 23 24):
s=>(l[l ^\ .0 [71]: (Brugsch, Lex., p. 1577). Besides, as we know
from the inscriptions,the rrA 1, Icpo-j/jnfi/naTcU, were a numerous
class of priests, and this title would have been out of keeping with
the exalted position of Joseph, as Prof. Krall rightly observes.
The end of the name has, to my mind, been correctly inter-
preted by Prof. Erman ; n*i?C r\2 i^ the exact transcription of
'^^^ U3 -f- \rZi . It is well known that ^-p , which originally reads
J>er, drops its <crr> in composite words, and is transcribed D in
words like ^ ^" ^ cji^r ; ^ ^ © ^.?|"'? • ^^^ f^'' n2i>>
it corres])onds exactly to ©, the three signs forming the
phonetic reading of •¥- .
It is natural that Joseph, after having shown such marvellous
wisdom, should be given a high position in the CZl-r-CTI], the
Sacred College, [jrobably the chief religious institution of the country.
Its books were supposed to contain all the wisdom and the hidden
^ Zeilsclir., 1883, p. 59.
* Rouge, p. 72.
War. II] THE EGYPTIAN NAME OF JOSEPH. [1903.
knowledge of Thoth, and from it came the learned, the # '
I I I
the "wise men" of Scripture, and the '^ V Q '^ ' ri^ ' '" ^^
^ I fi I I ^ I , the magicians.
We have therefore to look in the CT] -4- [m for a title implying
a sufficiently high standing for the new favourite, and having a
feminine form, indicated by the relative "^"^ . This we find in the
title of one of the attendants of Osorkon celebrating the Sed
festival at Bubastis. Behind the king, and at the head of the
^ I fi I I , the magicians, walks a man holding a book-roll and
<:^» 1 A I I I ^
called ^ ^ c^ tJiest nt pe ankh. The correct transcription
of this title w^ould be n^i^Sniil!?- The only correction which I
make is to replace n by T\. The transcription C!i i">iay have arisen
from the fact that there are various Hebrew words beginning with
r^, which would have a much more familiar sound to Hebrew ears
than ri!J-
I believe the 2J is here the equivalent of ^^, the phonetic
reading of i=«>=a . Or it may come from the variant for c«o==i,
\ \\<iV (Brugsch, Ztu-., p. 1598), where the A, which is the
equivalent of ^, occurs. The seven '=*'*=^ (d % Mr i of the Book of
the Dead (71, 16) are called \ ^^\ U ' ^ 1 i'"* the Saitic text.
^ I , although it refers to men, to soldiers, as in the inscrip-
tion of Una," has a feminine form which agrees with the feminine
relative >/ ^- I believe therefore that philologically the tran-
scription of V ^ -f ^^ by 11-^3 TSl^l^l is fully justified,
■with the change of one single letter.
The title itself corresponds very well with the position which the
king intended to give to Joseph. ^""^ is translated by Brugsch :
'" Rouge, loc. lit., p. 71.
'' Brugsch, Thesaurus, p. 6S7.
'' Erman, Zeitschr., 1882, p. 6.
159
Mak. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
"Officer," "Commander," "Captain," "Lord," and the variant
ft ^^ ^ r\^ 9u ^^6^^' ^^'^^ master by his eloquence and his
wisdom." It certainly was a very exalted dignity to be the master
or Head of the 0 , the high school of all religious and
scientific learning, which probably was at Heliopolis. It was a
worthy accompaniment to the civil position which had already been
bestowed upon Joseph. It put him at the head of the priesthood ;
on him it would devolve to be Kpvinwv ev/jeTijv, which Josephus says
is the meaning of the word, and his position was confirmed by his
marrying " Asenath, the daughter of Poti-pherah, priest of On."
As for these two names, I cannot agree with Prof. SteindorfiPs
interpretation; he translates in2Dt*^ iVs-Jif, "der Neit gehorig," and
XnD"'t3lD Petepre, "the gift of Re," Heliodorus.
If we remember that Potipherah is high priest of Heliopolis, it is
rather strange that his daughter should be called " she who belongs
to Neith," the goddess of Sais, whose worship was totally different
from that of the deity specially worshipped at On. Therefore I still
adhere to what I proposed elsewhere,'^ that Asenath is the Egyptian
n /VW>AA **
name 11 or ^-^^^-^ Senit, which the Semites pronounced with
a prosthetic js^ . The name of '-'-'•^^ is common under the Xlth
and the Xllth Dynasties. It was borne by a queen of the Xlth
Dynasty.
The transcription ^^^^ A ^ /^>^ "Heliodorus," for
Potipherah seems very natural at first sight, and I advocated it
myself. But it may be said against it that this name with two
articles has a rather strange look. I believe there is a better inter-
pretation which occurs several times under a very similar form. I
should read As^ . We know, from the Coptic and from the
, ft .
Greek transcriptions, that there was an 6 in the word . That
on
would account for the T of the Hebrew name. We have the name
of , which is that of a high priest, ^^^^ 1? , of Heli-
opolis in the Old Empire, on the famous statue of Meidoom. It is
Smith's DicL of I he Bihh\, Asenath.
160
Mar. II] THE ECxVrTIAN NAME OF JOSErH. [1903.
not impossible that it was read , the name of the god being
ahvays written first. Or the two forms of the name may have
^ □ n □
existed together, just as we find: Q and
oin^A i^ /s c^ \3 ' c:^ o
and Vil . We have a5\ ' , and I beheve we
I -Ms I o □ /Am D Ion
might equally well have AX^ , Photepra, which would
transcribe exactly the Hebrew name of the high priest of On,
Potipherah, and be analogous to that of the priest of the Old Empire.
The conclusions which have been drawn from these names as to
the date of the narrative in Genesis seem to me rather hasty. For
the complete title V ^ " , we have a fixed date, it belongs
to the twenty-second year of Osorkon Ilnd, the fourth king of the
XXIInd Dynasty ; but it may be much older. The title ^'^'^ is
found in the inscription of Una. The Sl , although I cannot
quote the oldest instance of the use of this word, is certainly a
very ancient institution in Egypt, as is everythmg connected with
M
Thoth. The name ^^^-'^ Se/iif occurs in the Xlth Dynasty. I
believe therefore that at present it is premature to base on these
names a theory concerning the date of the composition of the history
of Joseph.
161
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Extract from Letter of Prof. Dr. J. Lieblein,
I'rofessor of Egyptology at the Uni%-ersily of Chrisliania.
1°. A mon opinion la langue Egyptienne n'est pas du tout
Semitique, mais une langue Khamitique ; cependant comme telle elle
s'approche plus des langues Semitiques {cfr. Benfey, Ueher das
Verhdltniss der ligyptischen Sprache zuin semitischen Sprachstamvi)
que des langues Indo-europeennes ; mais le parentage n'est nulle-
ment d'une telle nature que Ton puisse appeler I'idiome Egyptien
une langue Semitique. Pour mieux expliquer ma pensee je donne,
en conservant la genealogie biblique, le tableau suivant.
Noe,
La langue des Noachides.
I 1 1
Sam, Kham, Japhet,
Les langues Les langues Les langues
Scmiticjues. Khamitiques. Indo-Europeennes.
Toutes ces langues sont ainsi parentes ; mais les langues Indo-
europeennes se sont separees de la souche commune longtemps,
sans doute, avant que la separation des deux autres grou]Des avait
lieu, .\ussi ces deux groupes ont-ils, comme voisins le plus long
temps, exerce influence I'un sur I'autre.
2°. L'ecole Berlinoise pretend que ^, f|, - — ", l][|, \\ et p
n'etaient pas voyelles, mais consonnes. Comment une telle opinion
est possible il m'est tout-a-fait incomprehensible. On n'a qu'a voit
comment la langue Copte a reproduit les anciens mots Egyptiens,
comment les Grecs et les Latins ont transcrit les mots et les noms
!£gyptiens, comment enfin les anciens Egyptiens ont transcrit les
noms Grecs et Latins, pour se convaincre que '^ , l| , — d , etc.,
^taient des voyelles pures, comme celles des langues Copte,
Grecque, Latine.
3". Apres beaucoup de discussion, dc longues correspondences,
I>epsius a cnfin rcussit, au (^ongres international des Orientalistes en
162
Mau. II] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
1874, a faire accepter son systeme de transcription qui, a quelques
legeres modifications pres, a i^te suivi des lors par tout le nionde.
Grace aux travaux de Lepsius, nous etions tout pres d'une solution
definitive. C'etait done bien etonnant — je ne veux pas faire usage
des mots plus forts ; car dans les choses scientifiques il n'est pas
juste de parler, p. ex., du manque de piete — que les egyptologues
Berlinois, les de'sciples et les successeurs immediats de Lepsius,
etaient les premiers a abolir son systeme. Par leur innovation, qui,
selon mon opinion est fondamentalement erronee ou en tout cas
inutile, ils ont de nouveau jete incertitude et confusion dans les
etudes egyptologiques.
Pour quel motif desire-t-on ici une transcription ? Naturellement
pour donner le son des hieroglyphes dans une alphabet connu non
seulement des savants, mais aussi et surtout du public en general,
Cependant les signes proposes par les Berlinois I, l, c, n'indiquent
aucun son qui se laisse prononcer ; car selon leur theorie ces signes
nous donnent des consonnes dont la prononciation est incertaine
et dont de meme on ne sait non plus les voyelles adherentes, de
sorte qu'il est absolument impossible de les lire.
La transcription des Berlinois fait done de'faut en tant qu'elle ne
repond pas a la notion de la transcription ; car non seulement ces
signes ^, «, c, ne donnait la prononciation, mais ils la declarent
impossible, la cachent pour ainsi dire.
Mais il y a encore une autre objection qui, s'il est possible, est
encore plus grave. C'est que la transcription Berlinoise fait
presumer que I'Egyptien soit une langue Se'mitique, ce qui n'est
pas prouve et que beaucoup d'egyptologues ne croient pas. Cela
empechera I'adoption generale de la nouvelle transcription ; car il
n'est guere probable que les egyptologues veulent accepter une
transcription qu'ils regardent comme fondamentalement fausse.
Pour ces motifs il m'est absolument impossible d'adopter la
nouvelle transcription Berlinoise. Au contraire, je le regarde
comme une devoir de protester contre elle formellement et avec toute
la force d'une conviction intime.
Permettez-moi d'ajouter que si The Society of Biblical Archeology
adopte cette transcription, je me trouverai malheureusement dans
la penible necessite de me regarder comme exclu de la collaboration
pour moi si chere a vos Proceedings, ou jusqu'ici j'ai eu I'honneur et
la satisfaction de prendre part dans la discussion scientifique.
163
Mar. ii]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV.
[1903.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at
"i^"]. Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Wednesday,
May 13th, 1903, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper
will be read : —
F. Legge • " Some Egyptian Ivories."
164
Mar. II] rROCEEDINGS. [1903.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, zuill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de I'Eg^'pte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant not re ere.
La Geographie de I'Egypte a I'epoque Copte.
Amiaud, a., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Be-itriige zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Beitrage zur Assyriologie,
Berlin Museum. .Egyptische Urkunden.
,, „ Griechische und Koptisclie Urkunden.
BissiNG, Baron von, " Metalgef asse " {Cat. Gen. du Ahisee du Caire).
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments figyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
11. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4.)
Budge, E. A. Wallis, Litt. D., "The Mummy."
Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873.
Crum, W. E., "Coptic Monuments" {Cat. Gen. du Musce du Caire).
Daressy, G., " Ostraca" {Cat. Cairo Museum).
" Fouilles de la Vallee des Rois" {Cat. Cairo Museum).
Delitzsch, Das Babylonische Weltschopfungs Epos.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1S67.
— 2nd series, 1S69.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1S86.
Tempei-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar,
:Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 18S0.
Mar. II] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1905.
G0LENISCHF.fi--, Die Metternichslele. Folio, 1S77.
Vingt-qualre Tal)lettes Capp.idociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
HauPT, Die Sumerischen Faniiliengesetze
IIoMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyrians. 1892.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch liber Heilkunde.
KussMETTER, Der Occultcsmus des Altertums des Akkader, Babyloner,
Chaldaer, &c.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berilcksichtigung der Re-
svdtate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bililiothefiue Nationale.
Lef^bure, Le Mylhe Osirien. 2'"^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus dt'motique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Kiinig von Babylonien 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173;
47 plates.
Lei'SIUS, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1S80.
Mariette, "Monuments divers."
" Dendera."'
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Masi'ERO, G., " Annales du service des Antiquitcs de I'l^gypte."
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
RoBiou, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur la Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
ScHAEFFER, Covnmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
ScHROEUER, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagj'ptische Gotterglaube.
VissER, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone au point de vuc
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wll.CKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, Der Bililische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontalelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gescllsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866
to 187S.
Zimmern, II., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschnft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
Fourth Meeting-, i^th May, 1903.
F. G. HILTON PRICE, Esq., Db: S.A.,
IN THE CHAIR.
The Council sincerel)- regrets to have to record the
death of Dr. W. Pleyte, Director of the Museum of
Antiquities at Leyden, and one of the most distinguished
Members of this Society.
[No. cxc] 165
iMay 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.IiOLOGY. [1903.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From Joseph Pollard. — The Oldest Code of Laws in the
World; by Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. Svo. Edinburgh.
From F. T,egge. — Explorations in Bible Lands: by H. Y.
Hilprecht. Svo. Edinburgh. 1903.
From the Publishers — HoUe und Paradies bei den Babyloniern ;
by Dr. A. Jeremias,
From the i'ublishers.— Moses und Hammurabi: by Dr. J.
Jeremias.
From the Trustees of the British Museum. — -The Annals of the
Kings of Assyria. Vol. L By E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A , Litt.D.,
and L. W. King, M.A., F.S.A.
From the Author. — Ilchester lectures on Greeko-Slavonian litera-
ture ; by M. Gaster.
From the Author. — Osiris Vegetant ; by Prof Dr. A. Wiedc-mann.
From the Author. — The Religion of Egypt; by Prof Dr. A.
Wiedemann.
The following Candidates for Membership were elected :-
L. Bishop, 56, Denton Road, Hornsey, N.
G. A. Wainwright, 3, Worcester Avenue, Clifton, Bristol.
J. Lsbister, I\Latakohe, Auckland, New Zealand.
The following Paper was read : —
Prof. Petrie: " Recent E.xcavations at Abydos."
Remarks were added by Sir H. Howorth ; Rev. Dr.
Walker ; Mr. Rouse, and the Chairman.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
166
iMAY 13] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By Prof. Edouard Navillk, D.C.L., etc.
( Continued from page no.)
CHAPTER CLHIa.
The Chapter of coining out of the net. (i)
0 he who turns backwards, mighty of heart, who spreads his net
before him, who entereth the earth ! O you the fishermen sons of
their fathers (2), w^ho go round in the midst of the stream, you will
not catch me in your net, in which you catch the disabled, and you
will not carry me away in your canvas, in which you take away the
evil ones in the earth ; the frame of which reaches the sky, and
the weights of which are on the earth.
For I will come out of its meshes and shine like Hunnu (Sokaris).
I will come out of its bars (3) and shine like Sebak. I shall fl)-
against you like a fisher whose fingers (4) are hidden.
1 know the fork (5) which belongs to it. It is the great finger
of Hunnu (Sokaris). I know the stake (6) ; it is the leg of Nemu (7).
I know its pointed head, it is the hand of Isis. I know the name
of its blade; it is the knife of Isis with which she cut the meat for
Horus.
I know the name of the frame and of the weights. They are the
feet and the legs of the Sphinx (8).
I know^ the name of the ropes with which fishing is done ; they
are the bonds of Tmu.
I know the names of the fishermen who are fishing. They are
the worms (9), the ancestors of the blood drinkers (10), who pour
their flow on my hands, when the great god the lord listens to the
words in Heliopolis, in the night of the 15th of the month (11),
in the temple of the moon.
167 M 2
May 13] S )CIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
"^ I know the marked space (12) in which they are enclosed. It is
the soil of iron on which the gods stand.
I know the name of the divine supervisor who takes hold of the
fishes, and marks them on the tail. He is the supervisor of the
divine property.
I know the name of the table on which he lays them (the fishes) ;
it is the tab^e of Horus.
He sits alone in the night; nobody sees him ; the future ones (13)
see him, and the present ones give him their acclamations.
I shine like Horus ; I govern the land, and I go down to the land
in the two great boats. Horus introduces me into the house of the
Prince (14).
I have come as a fisher; the fork has been given into my hand ;
m)' blade is in my hand, my knife is in my hand. I come forth ;
I go round about, and I entangle in my net.
I know the name of the fork which closes the mouths vomiting
(fire ?). It is the great finger of Osiris.
The fingers (prongs) which hold fast, they are the fingers of the
ancestors of Ra, the claw of the ancestor of Hathor.
I know the strings which are on this fork, they are the bonds
of the lord of mankind.
I know the name of the stake; the thigh of Nemu. Its point is
the hand of Isis, its coil, the cord of the first-born god, its cordage
the rope of Ra.
I know the name of the fishermen who are fishing ; they are the
worms, the ancestors of Ra, the creatures (15), the ancestors of Seb.
When what thou eatest is brought to thee, what I eat is brought
to me. Thou eatest what is eaten by Seb and Osiris.
0(16) thou who turnest backwards, mighty of heart, who fishes
and entangles him who enters the earth ; O you fishers, sons of
their fathers, and ye fowlers who are in Nefer-sent ; you will
not catch me in your nets, and you will not entangle me in your
meshes, wherein you catch the disabled, and where you catch those
who are in the earth ; for I know it (the net), its frame above, and
its weights below. Behold, I come, my stake is in my hand ; the
point is in my hand, the blade is in my hand.
I come, I arrive to my ....(?) I have come myself; I have
come to bind it, to put it in its place. My knife is sharpened. I
put it in its place.
The stake which is in my hand is the thigh of Nemu ; the fork
168
May 13] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
which is in my hand is the fingers of Sokaris ,; this point which is in
m\- hand is the claws of Isis ; the blade which is in my hand is the
knife of Nemu.
Behold I have come, I sit in the boTt of Ra, I sail on the Like
of Cha (17) and on the lakt of the Northern sky.
I hear the words of the gods. I do what they are doing, I give
praises to their persons, I live as they live.
A', appears on the ladder which was made for him by his
father Ra, when Horus and Sut lake hold of him.
Notes.
In the Theban version the Chapier of the Net is divided into two,
153A and 1536, which have different tides and difierent vignettes.
3 53A is called the '' Chapter 0/ coming mtt,'" or, as might be translated,
'''■ of escaping from tlie net.''' The vignettes represent a clap-net, used
for waterfowl. The s'econd Chapter is called ''the Clinptcr of escaping
from those who catch "^ <5=< i ," which, from the etymology,
might be translated fml ox fetid fish. There the vignette represents
a drag-net containing fishes, and drawn by apes.
It is probable, one may suppose, that originally one Chapter
referred to the fowlers, the [|[| x>\j|- , who use the clap-net,
and the other to the fishermen, the ^"^^ ''vX '^- ^yf , ^vho
use the drag-net. But in the form in which these Chapters appear
in the three best texts where they have been preserved, London,
9900 (Aa), Paris, III, 93 (Pb.), and the papyrus of Nii, fowlers and
fishermen are mixed together.
The text of 153A is very corrupt, and seems to differ greatly
from the original. The variants between the chief ddcuments are
considerable, and show that the understanding of it was nearly lost.
It probably had two different versions, which have been cast into
one, since after the first two-thirds it begins over again and nearly
repeats itself.
The Turin text contains only 153A, and that even much shorter,
but it is followed by a rubric, which is absent from the Theban
version.
The translation is made from the three above-named documents.
The vignette of 153A, in the papyrus III, 93, of the Louvre (Pb),
169
■May 13] SOCIETi' OF BIBLICAL ARCILE JLOGV. [1903-
sho\v5 a clap-net drawn by four men. Behind it comes the deceased,
holdino- in his hand two instruments mentioned in the text : the
and the It , called |\ ^ ^ ^.-^ or ^|\ -^ ^ ; each
of them consists ot"-different parts having a distinct name.
In the papyrus of Nu the deceased is seen drawing the rope of
the net.
In the vignette of London, 9900 (Aa), he is supposed to do the
same.
1. Among the dangers to which the deceased is exposed is that
of being caught in a net by hidden genii, who will treat him as is
done to water-fowl or fishes. But he escapes from this peril,
because he knows the names of the fowlers and fishermen who
intend to attack him, and also of the net itself, and of the various
parts of which it consists. All these names are mystical ; they are
connected with some divmity, and this gives them a magical power,
owing to which the deceased can make his escape.
2. I suppose this means fishermen, sons of fishermen.
3. Litt. the hands : the bars, the sides of the frame of the net.
4. The fingers are often mentioned when we should say the
liand. The act or the wound is attributed to the fingers. "Whose
fingers are hidden," means he who hides the hand with which he will
strike.
5. -, c. The instrument in the hand of the deceased. I'hough
the determinative is v-=-^, it does not necessarily mean that it is
made of wood ; it may be the determinative of weapons in general.
It has prongs, which are compared to nails or claws, so that it
probably is a weapon like the bident for spearing fishes, the tines
of which are held together by a string (Wilkinson, Manners and
Customs, 2nd edition, Vol. II, [). 107). Otherwise it is not unlike
a netting needle (Wilkinson, loc. cit., p. 175). If it is a weapon, one
does not very well understand why it is said to belong to the net.
6. The ^\ ® *l2_vo.-7=- is evidently the stake or peg to
which the end of the clai)-net is fasteiv d. But it must be noticed
tliat in the vignette of London, 9900, this peg is a dagger. There-
fore one may speak of its pointed head (Brugsch, Dui.
A '""^^"' , , ,
SuppL, p. 85), and of its (I a ^^^^^ , l>lade.
170
PLATE LIV.
Pioc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
M
Chapter i53.\. Louvre, III, 93.
1^
S£^
Chapter 153A. Louvre, 3084.
Chapter 153A. B.M., 9900.
Chapier 161.
Louvre, III, 93.
^iAY 13] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
7. Nemu is perhaps a local name of Horus (Brugsch, Did.
geog.,^. 71).
S- ^^_ \\ ^ ■ " '^'"'^ Socl in Lion form " (Renouf) is the name of
the Sphinx {Sphinx, Vol. V, p. 193).
9. See Chapter 149, note 5.
10. We know from an inscription at Dendereh that the
*>-=J (](]^^' t'^e drinkers, feast on blood, ^'"'^^__
^^'/^ (Brugsch, Did. Suppl., p. 18).
ir. The late recension of Chapter 153 ends here, and does not
contain 153B. It is followed by this rubric :
Said on a figure of the deceased which is placed in a boat. Thou
shalt put the Sektit boat on his right, and the Atit boat on his
left. Offerings ivill be made to him of cakes, beer, and all good
things, on the day of the birth of Osiris. He to whom these things
have been done will be a living soul for ever, and tvill not die a
second time.
^^' T J U I ■ ^ consider this word as derived from
T J \\ , f J lA' which means to mark an object with a cut or
with fire, for a religious purpose, or simply as an indication of
property. A little further it is spoken of fishes '^ l^^'^^^lx
I ^ "marked on the tail."
AAAAAA I
13. We have here the opposition between ^'^ 1 "those who are,"
and ^\ I "those who are not," that is, those who are not yet, the
future ones. The negative, which often expresses the idea of
anteriority, is one of the usual ways of rendering the future ; that
which has not yet taken place, which is to come. An official of the
Xllth dynasty says: "the king S % V§^ l^v <=^L]?
<^:>K_=/] made me his commissioner of works, having
charge of present and future work" {Zeitschr., 1882, p. 8, note). It
is said of Isis that " she issues her directions for what is and what will
171
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1903.
be " 1 ""^^^ '^^^'^ ^ '=' ^^^ (Stele Metternich, Brugsch, Diet.
SiippL, p. 355)-
14. See Chap, i, note 8.
'5- ^^^^^^|- -^^ ^^^""^ ^'"^ sometimes men-
tioned before the gods, I believe the word might be translated : the
first beings, the first creatures : "die Urwesen."
16. Here begins the second version of the chapter which has
been added to the other one.
1 — I <? I
1 7. ^AAAw . This lake :s often mentioned m the texts
I s -km
of the pyramids. It is one of the celestial lakes not very distant
from the Elysian fields.
(To be continued.^
172
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OE IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE HITTITE
INSCRH^TIONS.
By Trof. a. H. Sayce, LL.D., etc.
( Continued from page 149.)
Light is thrown on the grammatical use of the suffix m-a by J. HI,
2. Here we first have a word with the accusative termination -//,
which is composed of ideographs representing " the cliief dirk-
bearer," and about which I shall have something to say further on.
Then comes the name of a locality with its determinative, the name
being found again in J. I, 5, Mer'ash 4, &c., and probably meaning
"sanctuary." Then comes Gar-ga-me-is-ni-a} "district," "country,"
Khat-ta-n-a-/i, " district " (for the reading of the last name see later).
This can only mean "the chief dirk-bearer of . . . in the territory of
Carchemish, the Hittite." The phrase is paralleled by that of
Tiglath-pileser I (V, 49), "the city of Carchemish in the land of the
Hittites." It is worth noting that me-n appears, from its determinative
in B.M. 2, 3, to denote "city" or "place."
Prof. Jensen has already pointed out that the scourge f
serves to denote the nominative case and must tlierefore have ex-
pressed a syllable which ended in -s. At Mer'ash it replaces /^^
in the word f ^ ^ " concpieror " (Mer'ash i compared with
Bor i), and elsewhere (in lines 2 and 3) it interchanges with the
goat's head ijs)^ and as an adjectival suffix, from the name of a city, with
|i O''*'-'')- Hence we must assign to it the values of either .9, is, yas,
or as, and as the first three are already occupied by other signs, I
would make it as.
The ass's head equally ended in -s. This is proved by the title
of the king in the first line of the inscription of Babylon, where it
forms the suffix of a word which we shall see hereafter was pro-
nounced a>-a or Aram. It also forms the nominative or accusative
' Compare the form Mizii-ma quoted above.
May 13] SOCIETY OF BII]LICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
plural, ^.^i,'-. in J. Ill, 5, where we have the plural of the word "gallos-
priests" preceded by the demonstrative. In M. 2 as compared
with 3 it takes the place of ya before si, and it very frequently
follows is or mis J, the value of which has been long known to us
in consequence of its interchanging with m-s in J. I, 2 and 3.^ What
sound, then, are we to assign to the ass's head? is it as, yas, us {mis),
or simply s7 Provisionally I will make it s. In J. IV, 4,4, however,
it must represent the copulative conjunction "and'' (''what is below
and what is above"), and in J. I, 2, 3 it apparently serves to unite
])honetically the two elements of the compound Sarmis-A?-ama,
suggesting a value sa. It is worth notice that se signified "and " in
Lycian.
Another character which is found at the end of the nominative
singular and in the inscription from Skanderun after numerals as a
termination of the plural, is rfj . In ]\r. 2 and 3 as compared with
H. I, I this interchanges with jne-s. On the other hand, m also
seems to have the value of an or a/ii. According to the squeeze of
the Karaburna text, we have in it the varying forms Si->ia-s-//i-a-na-is-s,
"belonging to the land of Sinas " (line i), Si-na-is-m-a- fTI -Tia-is-s
(line 3), and, in the oblique case, Si-na-is-m-a-) [Tj (line 2). Here
3/
must be an. There is also a plural termination in -;/ ; thus in
H. V, 2 the reduplicated throne and knife have the suffix ;/-;/, the
reduplication here, as elsewhere, denoting the plural. See also
Tyriaion 3 and Skanderun .\ 2 (with the plural ka/{?)n-n). The
"land of Sinas" must be the Saniana and Sanisene of classical
geography, which adjoined or included Karaburna ; see Ramsay,
Historical Geography of Asia Minor, p. 219. Kataonia similarly
seems to have taken its name from that of a king Kati mentioned in
the Assyrian inscriptions.
The clenched fist '^^ is nas, as is shown by H. II, 2, III, 2
Khat-ia-itas, Khatta-nas.
' Cp. also J. I, 3 with Bab. 3, 4. There are passages, h'jwever, in which there
can be no question of an initial w, so that the in erchange is probably only with s.
I transcribe the character is, but it may be us. It represents an altar (or censer)
I^lanted on the ground, and it is therefore worth remembering that iyas-is signifies
a " shrine."
•74
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE IXSCRIPTIDXS. [1903.
It is possible that the calf's (?) head must be added to the list
of characters which terminate in -s. In Bor II, 3 it seems natural
to read a-fia{?)-{. .)s "king," as the words with which it is coupled
are in the nominative, and the final syllable is here denoted by the
calf's (?) head. It must be carefully distinguished from the striped
head, which represents the phonetic characters fui-a in the word for
'•lord" quoted above (Bor 2), and must therefore have been sounded
//a. On the bowl, where it is attached to (7-///, it may be either . . i' or
. . /a (agreeing with lyas-ta). In J. II, i and the Malatiyeh inscrip-
tion it is followed by the determinative of '• country " in the one case,
and of "city "and " district," with the phonetic adjunct z/^/, in the
other. Here, therefore, it cannot be a mere suffix, but must be used
ideographically.
That there should be so many symbols to express syllables
ending in -s may seem surprising. But the geographical tablet from
Boghaz Keui shows that there were two sibilants in Hittite, either of
which might represent the termination of the nominative. 'The-
king of Arinna " is Avritten sarr-z/jt Arumaz ox Ariuuas, and we may
conclude that some of the characters given above as terminating in -y
really terminated in -s or -z. One of them is probably 1| . This
will explain why ^ ^ (like the ass's head) is at times attached to
certain of them as a phonetic complement. I'he testimony of the
Boghaz Keui tablet is supported by the Hittite names given by
Ramses II, among which we have not 01. ly Targannas and (larba-
tas, but also Kamiz. Cp. also Rukliasi-na by the side of Rukhizi.
The examples of the word for "lord" quoted above will have
made it clear that 2) i^ ■"'''• ^^ ^^'''^ ^^s seen that it interchanges, with
oQo <^y# n-a. Another instance of the interchange is Q>^ 2) (^
H. I, I, and \^ _z^ @) M. 3. The boot is a difificult character
to determine. Ideographically it signifies what is " below " (see J. IV,
4, 3), and so " the earth " upon which the priest stands in the
symbolic " edicule " at Boghaz Keui ; see also Schlumberger's sejls,
15, 16, where n "the lord of the earth" is the title of the
supreme god. For its phonetic use as a suffix we must first turn
to the demonstrative pronoun, to which I have more than once
referred. Dr. Leopold Messerschmidt has pointed out that the
^75
May 13] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
word ya-a with which the two inscriptions of Ivriz begin must be
the demonstrative "this." His conclusion has been verified by the
inscription of Karaburna, where it is written in tlie same way.^
At Hamath (V, 2) we findy<i-m a, which in another hne of the same
inscription (3), as well as at Jerablus (III, 4), appears as d[]q ^
[^^ \ . At Hamath (V, 3) we also have yas-m-a in the nominative,
preceded by the determinative f , the place of which is further
taken in the same line by the doul)le determinative jj C . 'The
crook alone is used ideographically at the beginning of the Bowl
inscription to denote the demonstrative ("this bowl I have made").
The double determinative is employed also l)efore the demonstra-
tive, when the latter is combined with the possessive pronoun mes
"my," to signify " m)self," ya-ine-s or ya-vies (J. I, i, M. 4). The
plural of the demonstrative is represen:;e(l h-)- ya-inis\n J. HI, 5, on
the Bowl and elsewhere.-
It is evident that in J. Ill, 4, the l)00t must phonetically
represent the whole or a part of the two characters between which
it stands, or a sound like u or //, which could be inserted or omitted
at will. But it further serves to express the dative case with or
without an additional /, as in the Bowl inscription, "I have made
this bowl for the god Sandan " || Qn^ yiU (§£). For an e.xample
of the omission of the vowel /, see M. 3, [^^^ ^■P (^^. Followed
by -is the boot is also the ending of the word for "king" in the
nominative {e.g.^ M. i),-^and in the Bab. 2 the suffixed (Z^ ^ [T^
is coupled with the suffixed ?ne-i-n "mine" (in the accusative). In
J. IV, 4, 3 it probably denotes the third person of a verb.
' Mr. -Vnderson's first, and in tliis re-pect more correct, cojiy gave oljo
instead of olJo I • ^ri the squeeze it is clear.
" }'a-/j/,1 proljably means " in tliis place," "here."' In II. V, 3 it is written
f (D |L jl "■■-'. j'(Z-w.-r-a, and is preceded by 'z-/(cp. the IJoul inscri|ition) ;
in Bor 3 it is |j 0||0 © T ,ya-!iia-a niir.
^ Compare the proper name Sanda-sarmis.
176
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
Putting all this together, it results that the boot cannot represent
a consonant or semi-consonant alone, like ?<:' or ji', and that it may
be mi. But there is much to be said in favour of assigning to it
the value of ti or e. Provisionally, however, I will read it mi}-
It is less difficult to determine the value of Q) when used
phonetically as a suffix. Ideographically it is the determinative of
"locality," as was first divined by Dr. Peiser (see Froc. S.B.A.,
1899, p. 207). It forms along with a the third person of a verb
(H. I, 3, 11, 3), a function in which its place is taken by in in
Bab. 4, oOn CD c=^ being there represented by oQo '^ fc=S .
As has been just said, in J. IV, 4, 3 the same suffix appears to
be denoted by the boot. Since the two characters 0 and ^ are
generally kept distinct in the texts, they can hardly have exactly the
same value, in spite of their equivalence ; if ^ is me or in (or am),
(D may be ma. Provisionally therefore I will call it ma.^
We can gain no further help from an examination of the
characters which denote the suffixes, and I will accordingly return
to the method which in the case of the name of Gargamis has been
so productive of results. Let us take the Lion of Mer'ash first
(M. i). Mer'ash, as was first pointed out by Mr. Tomkins, is the
^Marqasi, or Markhasi, of the Assyrian inscriptions, which in the
^ In the Malatiyeh inscription between the ya and a of the demonstrative, we
find a character which is peculiar to this text, but which also represents in it the
suffixes of the genitive of the noun and the first person singular of the verb, and
must consequently have the value of ya or i or y. This lends colour to the view
that in other Hittite dialects we might have ti {w) in the same place ; in this case
the boot would be 21. It can hardly be_5'/. On the other hand, the boot seems
to interchange with m in the adjective ^^^ M U w no '-^r '^^■'"^''^'^'^'^'^
(Bab. 4) as compared with ^^ ^ A [JV, C=S iD.-w/(?)--f/-/-^- (Bab. 5).
My latest inclination is to make it e.
Since the above was written the question has been settled as to the fact that
one at least of the phonetic values of the boot was u. In And. 2 mention is made
of a town ^ -as-s-a (in the oblique case) as having been either conquered or
built, the name being preceded by both ideographs. On my asking Prof. W. M.
Ramsay if there was any important city in the neighbourhood of Tyana with a
name ending in -as^-os, he writes : " The name suits well the bishopric Euasai or
Euaissai, north-west of Kaisariyeh." One of the values to be assigned to the boot
will therefore be 7/ (ew) or (we).
- In 1881 I suggested that its value was ///(', Prof. Jensen has made it w, but
our conclusion was in Loth cases based on false premises.
177
y\.\Y 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOCV. [1903.
time of Sargon was the capital of Gurgum. The Hon might possibly
have been brought from elsewhere, but another monument seen in
the place by Messrs. Hogarth and Munro, and hastily copied by the
latter, when compared with the inscription on the lion, goes far to
assure us that such is not the case.
Among the titles of the king of Marqasi we should expect to
find the name of his capital; and immediately after the word "king,"
and agreeing with it in the nominative, is an adjectival derivative
from a geographical name of three syllables, the third of which is
SI. The same name is found in Mer'ash (XXV Messerschmidt).
We may conclude, therefore, that it is the name of Marqa'^i or
Markhasi. The name is written ^ f ^^j^ ^ f', which I ac-
cordingly read Mar-ga-si-i-s. Qa should more correctly be gha, the
Assyrian r/ (7 {^\\(\klia) ijeing represented by'c? in the modern Mer'ash.
In line 3 the name appears under the (orm A far-gas i-is-i. In H. I, i,
the head of a ram on a stand takes the place of two characters, the
first of whicli is ^ , the second, as we shall see hereafter, being da.
The name in which the Hamath character is found is, like the
name of Carchemish, that of a district, the determinative of " district"
l)eing affixed to it and the woid "lord" preceding it. In H. II, i,
III, I, it is written 2) ^0° ^d] ^ ^ Lqa-^-a-na, where the final
syllable is the suffix iia-s., in the genitive after the word "lord."
What can be the value of the third character ? There are only two
names in the neighbourhood of Hamath that will suit the beginning
of the name: these are Yakhanu and Igada. In the travels of the
Mohar " the land of Igadai " is placed between Aleppo and Kadesh,
near the lake of Horns, and in the vicinity of Aupa, the Ubi of the
Tel el-Amarna tablets, which extended from Aleppo southward to
Damascus. In the Arzawa letter "the land of Eigaid " is men-
tioned in connection, it would seem, with the Hittites {Proc S.B.A.,
1897, p. 283). Accordingly I read the title of the Hamath prince,
I-qd-da-a-na or I-gha-da-a-/ia, ^ being qa or gha, and gJH] da.^
' Written IT \. in the Cilician texts, as appears to result from a comparison
of the way in which the word for "king" is written. At the same time the
ci^uivalence of the two signs is not absohitely certain, and on the bowl \ 1 1 seems
to be distinguished from ^II3j. Vakhanu was the district in which Aleppo was
situated, but we alrea'^y have so many cliaracters representing the nasal, that it
is unlikely there should be another which never interchanges with them; hence I
reject Yakhanu in favour uf Igada.
178
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
Now ^m] oflo is the Hiltite word for "king," as was first shown
by Prof. Jensen. The true reading of it is a-da, not eri^ as I sug-
gested in the Proc. S.B.A. 1899, p. 220, on insufficient grounds.
Perhaps we may find a relation to it in the compound Lydian word
koal-adein (corrected from the koal-ddein of the MSS.), which is given
by the side oi pahnys as the term for "king." Palmy s claims con-
nection with the Trojan perramos or priai/ios, Phrygian balai, all
being forms of a stem gwal, which we have in the Karian .i,'-t7a or
gelaii, and the first element in koal-adein. Possibly the Lycian
kbidii is a contracted form of the latter. Ada was the name of a
Karian queen, and TiKov-aceiv is a proper name in an Isaurian in-
scription copied by Prof. Sterrett at Armassun. Cp. also the name
of the Pisidian town Adada. The ancient Cilician city Adana,
which gave its name to the god Adanos, and was built on the Saros
or "King" river, would thus be Ada-na, "the royal" town. Another
Adana, now Dana, was situated in the territory of the Khattina,
between Aleppo and Antioch.i
The first title assumed by the king of the Bor inscription is
^ ^% 5) C>lIo (iJ^ Ol]o fT~7, which we can now read Da-a-7ia-a-na-s
-f Det., "district of Dana." As Bor is the ancient Tyana, we
should expect Tyana to be meant, and the Dana of Xenophon is
generally assumed to be that city. Dana is already mentioned,
along with Qarne, KuUania, Arpad and Isana, and the Cappadocian
land of Kusa, in an Assyrian letter (II, 80-7-19, 26), first brought
to light by Dr. Pinches {Proc. S.B.A., 1881, p. 10). The native
pronunciation of the name, however, was Tuana, or Twana, so that
at Bor itself the ideograph must have been sounded tic-
' At Tyana the character da had the value of tii or icv ; hence atii or alinc
would have been a variant pronunciation of ada. This might throw light on the
signification of the divine name Attys. Cp. the name of Eta-kama, written also
Aida-gama.
^ The value /« enab'es us to read the name of the prince mentioned in the
inscription from Babylon. The first and third characters composing it are the
same, and are given as \ 1 1 tu by D. Koldewey, whose copy is verified by the
photograph. On the second occasion the oblique wedge is attached to the sign,
indicating an abbreviation or a modification of the vowel. As the second
character is one of those human heads most of which interchange with a, we
shall have the name Tuates, written Teuwatti in the Tel el-Amarna tablets,
Tta'rTTjs in Greek inscriptions. The Vannic king Argistis calls the country of the
Hittites, which included Malatiyeh, " the land of the son of Tuates." ^\'ith
\ 1 1 as tu or te it is tempting to read gjH] *^ S in H. I, i, &c. , as A-ma-lu,
but the initial vowel is against it.
179
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
On the other hand, there is an inscription on a seal belonging
to M. de Clercq whicli, like that taken from Lajard in Wright's
Empire of the Hii/iies, has a representation of Pegasus, the winged
horse of the Aleian, or Alasian plain. The inscription consists of the
two characters (fj) f] — 7, which must be read Da-s rather than Tuas
or Tus, a contracted form of the common Cappadocian and Cilician
name Dadas, as Bas is of Babas, Mas of Mamas, Nas of Nanas,
and Las of Lalas.^ Lalas, it may be observed, is identical with the
name of the Melitenian king Lalli or ],al!a, and probably meant
" the giver," from hxl, "to send," "or give."
I was altogether wrong in identifying the second title of the Bor
king with the name of Tyana {Froc. S.B.A., 1899, p. 208), as well
as with the ideograph which forms the first (or second ?) element in
the name of the inhaV:)itant of the district mentioned at the end of
H. II, 3. The two characters are formed in different ways, and the
one which occurs at Hamath is the same as that which appears as
tfiSj ^^ ]' I-f I' 3' 5- ^^ ^'^^ other hand Q or p:| or H is the ideo-
graph which is found in H. V, 4, 5, J. I, 2, 5, and Kirsh-oghlu i.
In B.M. 4, as in H. V, 5, and Palanga 4, it has the phonetic comple-
ment <d3 al attached to it, and a comparison of J. I, 2, 5 with
J. Ill, 3 (see also J- HI, 5) shows that it represents the word gal or
gallhia "priest." Hence it is that we find it in Izgin D. g, where the
name af Tyana is out of the question, and where it follows the title
a-mi(f)-ra-m-a-{nd)^ also found in J. I, 5 and Messerschmid XV, B, 2,
and is followed itself by the word "knife-bearer." In B.M. i it is
coupled with the territorial adjective Saudatiyas to which the deter-
minative of city is attached, the passage reading a-na-me-i San{da)-da-
ti-\A.-ya-s-'D^T. galli-na-s Sa}i(da)-da-a{t)-ti-s iD.-^/a-NA-a-ya-s A{m)-m-
ar-a-si-s ada-jniQ) . . . mH^)-i-s gal/i-zia-s, " I (am) the prince, the
priest of the city of Sandan (Kybistra or Herakleia), Sandattes, the
lordly, of the family of Amri--, the priestly . . . king." Here Sandan-
j'^^-DET. galli-nas exactly corresponds with Gai-gamesi-yas-Yi'E.t. galli-
nas in J. Ill, 3. Similarly in B.M. 3 we have a7ia-me-7ni{J'\ galli-iia-
v;i, " the royal, the priestly," like ana-me-i-yas ir>.-//i/{?)yas, " the
royal, the powerful " in M I, 4.
The ideograph recurs with the affix of plurality in the name of
the father of the Mer'ash king, of which it forms the first element.
' Cp. also the nnincs Thouas and Thoas.
180
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
Tilt; second element is the ideograph which I have supposed to
denote "Hittite," though its phonetic value seems to have been gas.
'^J'he name would accordingly read Gali-Khatti or Kali-Khatti, which
reminds us on the one side of Kali-Tesub king of Kummukh, in the
age of Tiglath-pileser I, and on the other of Us-Khitti, king of
Atuna, eastward of Malatiyeh, in the time of Tiglath-pileser III.
We know from the name of Khatu-sar or Khattu-sar as well as from
that of Ilu-khite of Subre, conquered by Assur-nasir-pal, that Khattu,
the Hittite people, was deified like other tribes and cities in the
Hittite region.
A-da or a-tie Q_/ o[[o " king," has the ideograph ^ attached
to it in J- HI, 3 ; in Bor 4 |f\ offci takes its place, and elsewhere A
or ip, is used alone, frequently with the suffix /q\ ^ r, /ni{})-i-s}
In J. Ill, 3 we have () yas, instead of is. A synonym of ada is
"t^T^ '^ a-na, which is also written *\^ ^ (so on the bowl and at
Bor). The last form is found at the beginning of the Bulgar Maden
inscription, where it immediately precedes ia)-iiie-i\ " I (am)," thus
occupying the same place as r\ ^ in J. II, i. The latter is com-
posed of one of the variants of the ideographs which denote a
person, and of a dirk in its sheath, which assumes a scimetar-like
form at Malatiyeh. It must accordingly signify a " dirk-bearer " or
" warrior," and the meaning of (^ x will be much the same.-
The striped head seems to be that of a hyaena.
In J. II, 7 %v> '^ is coupled with the word " lord," and I
would give it the general signification of " prince." As we have seen,
the striped head is the phonetic equivalent of n-a. With ana
" prince " we may compare the Lycian eni " lord.""'
' Contracted into mi{})-s in Bor i. In the title ^? [][] 00 1/ ana-?iie-yas,
which is coupled with the word meaning " powerful " (M. 3, iS:c.) and interchanges
with rt-«rt-DET., in J. II, 8 it is lengthened into -;//^j'a:y{and -tneiyas). In H. IV, i,
the doll takes the place of the head.
- Mr. Rylands has pointed out to me that a symbolical dirk is engraved on
the wall of the passage which leads into the great court of procession at Boghaz
Keui and adjoins the bas-relief of the god Attys and his priest. The sheath is
composed of four lions, while the handle of the dirk is the head of the god.
" Other similarities with Lycian are to be found in aim " I " and the Arzawa
181 N
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1903.
As stated in the Proc. S.B.A., I have returned to my original
explanation of the word a-7ne or a-me-i, which has been accepted by
all other students of the Hittite texts. It is certainly " I," or " I
(am)." Sometimes it is preceded by the determinative gOJ which
interchanges with the doll \. in H. V, 2 as compared with H. 11, 2.
The boss of Tarkondemos, as I have pointed out in Proc. S.B.A.,
1899, pp. 204, 205, indicates that at the end of a sentence the first
personal pronoun could be attached as an enclitic to the preceding
word, losing its initial vowel and causing the word to which it is
attached to drop its case-ending and become a sort of verbal noun.
This explains the forms in J. II, 2, 8, where we have a-na-me-i " a
prince (am) I," and a-7ia ideograph-/;«'(?)-?;z^-/ "a prince powerful
(am) I." 1
Amei appears with and without its determinative, which in Izgin
A I takes the place of a and is followed immediately by me. The
determinative could thus have the phonetic value of a. Now in the
Hamath inscriptions (II, 2, III, 2, V, 2) it forms the first syllable of
the name of a city the second syllable of which consists of the
couch "^ . The name is preceded by the word o[]o fo "city," for
which see Proc. S.B.A., 1899, p. 204,- and is followed in II, 2, III, 2
by two other characters and the determinative of "place," while
in V, 2 we find after it the determinative of place, which here
appears to have its phonetic value of ma, and a character which may
be intended for the determinative of "city," but has the same form
as a character which is found in Bulgar Maden i, where it represents
a syllable in a royal name, as well as in one of the Jerablils inscrip-
tions (Messerschmidt, XV, B i). In the last instance it is preceded
by the ideograph of " country " and the syllable K/iat, and followed
jiii, "mine," if Torp (Bezzenberger's Beiiriige, XXVI, 4, pp. 292 stj.) is right in
making the Lycian a;«« " I " and e//«', ^w.'V "mine." He would further make
-II the suffix of the first person singular of the present, -// being the third.
Thomsen (^tudes lyciemies, I, p. 21) gives lati the meaning of " he dies."
* For the oblique case aina "of (?) me" (II. IV, 4) see below.
'-' Prof. Jensen had already perceived ihat y is a non-phonetic determinative
■or ideograph. Indeed the fact is made clear by a comparison of a word like
Iff
in a Jerablus fragment (Messerschmidt, XV, A 3) with
the ordinary form i-yas-i-ia (II. I, 3, &c).
182
IMay 13] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
by the suffix (is)-i-s. As the word denoted is Khat-ti-i-s " Hittite,"
it must here have the value of //.
The group of characters in H. V, 2 will therefore read : A-inat
(or ma)-/na (or determinative of "place") -/;, where the couch must
represent the syllable via or mat, which is further (probably)
phonetically expressed by ma-ii. In other words the city over
which the Hamathite king rules is Hamath. The conclusion is
verified by the fact that it is the only name of a city occurring in all
the Hamathite inscriptions, and is not found in any other. In the
Assyrian inscriptions the name of Hamath is similarly written
Amatti, and since it is also Amatu in the geographical list of
Thothmes HI (No. 122),^ the initial aspirate of ]-i^n "^^^^ be due
to the assimilation of the name to the Semitic word for " wall.'"
The name of Hamath may perhaps be also detected under two
other forms. In H. V, i, according to Mr. Mocatta's casts, the
Hamathite prince calls himself not "king of A-ma-ti," but "king
of the city of ^ d '^ © ^|p ^p (| " (see also line 4,
and H. IV, 3, where the couch is omitted). The horns remind us
of the city of Qarne in northern Syria, but it is more probable that
Hamath is meant. We learn from the Arzawa letters that -dox-t was
a plural termination, and it is therefore possible that the couch with
the ideograph of plurality was pronounced mat. At all events the
duplication of the character which follows the ideograph of "horns "
must denote plurality, and represent in some way part of the phonetic
spelling of "Amatti." In H. IV, 3, where the name is written twice,
the duplication of the character is omitted in the first instance.
It would seem, accordingly, that the character in question repre-
sented some syllable or syllables of the name Amatti?
^ Tomkins, in ihe Trans. S.B.A., IX, p. 231, and Maspero, " Struggle of the
Nations," p. 142. Ramses III also writes Amata at Medinet Habu.
- Tlie two characters which follow A-iiia in H. II, 2, III, 2 are ^'i- C_]
which recur in H. V, 2 followed by as. The first, the mason's square, is found
in J. Ill, 2 with the determinative of power or action and with the possible
meaning of "building." In H. II, 2 and III, 2, I would conjecturally assign to
it the value of at and to the branch the value of ti or tu or ta, the whole word
reading A-ma-at-ti. But it may be A-via-{amat)-ii.
^ In H. IV, I, 2 the character forms the first element in a name wliicli
follows the adjective "powerful," and is itself followed by the syllables ina,
ta, and ya. Then comes the suffix ina-a "in the land." We may conse-
quently read Aiii-ma-ta-ya-iiia-a ("powerful) in the land of Hamath."
183 N 2
.May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1093.
The second form of the name to which I have alluded is more
doubtful. In H. IV, 4 ^\■e read DKT.-na-s (a/ia-s) ^ ^' ^J \ ■
The last word, without the adjectival suffix -mi's, is found again in
the Skanderun inscription a i, 2, b 4, where the first character has
the form of the human profile a, and is followed by the " phonetic
complement " vi-ni-a {ammo), indicating that the peculiar ideograph
<lfS is to be read amiiia. In H. I\', 4 this ideograph has the
oblique wedge attached to it, denoting an abbreviation, and we may
therefore supply //. This would give us a-j?wia-{ti)-mis, and we
should have the phrase anas ammati-mis " the Hamathite god." The
phrase, it will be observed, is followed by an oblique case of the
lirst personal pronoun, with honorific adjectives in agreement with
it: a-ma-a ana-me-ya \v>.-ya, " of (?) me the kingly, the mighty."
Was the phonetic value of the couch mat or ma, or was it ideo-
ij;raphically mat and phonetically mal To answer this question we
must turn to the Malatiyeh text. Here we find three geographical
titles, the first two of which are also assumed by the Carchemish
kings. It is therefore probable that it is the third of them which
represents the name of Malatiyeh. This is expressed by the couch,
followed by ^, which could have the value of lad or lid, and the
genitive suffix /. If the identification is right, the couch will be ma.
That it is right is shown by the Merash lion, hne 2. Here the
)iame of Marghasi, or Mer'ash, which we have found in the first
line, occurs twice with a variant orthography. Once it seems to be
written y ^i^ ^ f^^ "^ which we must consequently trans-
literate ^/«-rt'/'-^//rt'-5/-^, and once /\, S j^ ^^ Ma-ar-gha-sis (:).
The first of these instances, if correct, ^ suggests that ~:> is ar
and not jua?', and that the doubt as to the accuracy of the copy of
M. II is therefore justified. In M. I, 3 the character takes the
form of -^P^, and is thus identical in shape with the third character
in the name of the deity of Hamath. The latter consequently will
read Am-ma-ar-mH^)-is, "the Amorite," -mis being, as elsewhere,
the adjectival suffix. It is, at least, noticeable that a common name
^ Unfortunately the stone is damaged, and the character may be j| .
184
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
of the supreme Syrian god Hadad on the Babylonian and Assyrian
monuments is similarly Amurru " the Amorite."
The same character ar also forms the first element in the name
of the district mentioned in H. II, 2, the second, third, and fourth
being ga, a, and 11a. The whole is accordingly Argana, which is
stated by the Assyrian king Shalmaneser II (W.A.I. Ill, 8, 88) to
be a "royal city" of Hamath.^ Ar-ga-a-?ia-{n)as-7!ia-a with the
determinative of " district " — "in the district of Argana" — corre-
sponds exactly with Gar-ga-me-is-m-a det. (J. Ill, 2) — "in the district
of Carchemish " — and confirms the value attached to the first
character.
In the Hamath inscriptions we have another geographical name,
which, as far back as 1884, I suspected to be that of the Hittites.
For reasons given in the Proc. S.B.A., 1899, p. 211, the suspicion
has been confirmed by subsequent discoveries, and is now verified
by the decipherment of J. Ill, 2 given above {Gargamis-ina
KJiattanan). The word is written "^r^ ^^ and ^^^ , with the
sufiixes -is and -nas. The symbol of "water" ^■^'p^ will thus
represent ideographically Khatta and Khat, while ^2 will be /«
{not tan or /// as I formerly conjectured).- Another ideograph for
" Hittite," as I long ago suggested, may be the numeral III, which
has the oblique wedge attached to it when written contractedly
without its suffixes. In J. Ill, 3, and I, i the suffixes are expressed
and the oblique line is accordingly unused. It must be confessed,
however, that ||| never interchanges with KJiat-ta. On the other
' The identiiicalion wiih *\.rgana is preferable to that with Irqana-ta, vvhicii
sent a contingent to the help of the Hamathite king in his war with Shalmaneser,
as this was on the coast of the Gulf of Antioch between Arvad and Cilicia.
Ircjana-ta can hardly be the Irqatu of the Tel el-Amarna letters, the " Arkite " of
the Old Testament, but is rather the Arkan and Arka (or Alkan and Alka) of the
geographical lists of Thothmes III and Ramses III. In one of his S3'rian
campaigns Thothmes III, after destroying the "city of the land of Arc|antu " and
the cities of [Arjkana, arrived at Tunip, now Tennib, north-east of Aleppo. The
<listrict is called Yaraqu by the Assyrian kings ; in the time of Assur-nazir-pal it
was included in the kingdom of the Khattina ; a hundred years later it was a
<listrict of Hamath.
* At first sight it might seem that the symbol of "water "would naturally
<lenote Naharaim, or Nahrina, and since, as we shall see, it actually has the
phonetic value of na, we could read Na-ri, or Na-ari (as in Assyrian), instead of
Khat-ta. But in the first place Carchemish was in " the land of the Hittites "
and not in Nahrina, and secondly the repeated use of the name on the obelisk of
■Izgin and at Mer'ash I'Messerschmidt, XXV), absolutely excludes Naharaim.
185
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCtL-EOLOGY. [1903.
liand it is an epithet of the Cihcian god Sandan in H. Y, 3, and on
a seal purchased at Bor (Messerschmidt, XLII, 5) we have id.
(of deity), det. (of deity), id. w(f) OQO^ , " Ana-* (am) I, the . . . ."
The proper name is parallel to that of Ilu-khitte, and the locality
from which the seal comes would lead us to think of " Cilician "
rather than of " Hittite." The same geographical title is met with
in Phrygia at BaikoT (Messerschmidt, XXXVI, A, 2). In J. I, 1, 2,
and ]\Ialatiyeh, however, the ideograph representing the name of a
country is not the numeral III, but the picture of a house. In
f. Ill, 3, where we have the ideograph of "a double city " as in
And. 2, perhaps the translation is : "the Cilician king from the twofold
city." But we must remember that III seems to have the phonetic
value of gas or kas ; possibly therefore the name of the Hittite
tribe of the Kaska is really denoted by it. At all events it is the
second territorial title of the priest-king of Carchemish in J. II, i.
Besides its ideographic value p=?7^^ , as we have already seen,
had the phonetic value of mi (or n), as is proved by Bab. i, where it
takes the place of the suffix ^ . The origin of this value can be
easily explained. I have long since noted {Recueil de Travaux,
XIV, p. 53) that in J. II, 4, 5, '-||i must mean "god(s)," as it is
conjoined with the numeral 9, the first passage reading ideo-
graphically "beloved of the mighty 9 god(s)," in reference to a
former line (2) where we read, also ideographically, " the god . . me
the supreme head of the 9." The cities of the "nine" are further
mentioned at Gurun (line 5). The ideograph of "god" has the
phonetic complement ?ia or n often added to it {e.g., J. I, i, M. 3).
It therefore represented a word which ended in na, and as in the
inscription from Babylon the ideograph of "god '"' follows the vowel
a and takes the place of the suffix na, 'it is evident that the word in •
(question was ana.^ It is noteworthy that in Mitannian oic was
"god.»~
' In Palanga 3 the ideograph of "god " is followed by fia and ^j^ , which
must represent the 'iii of the southern inscriptions. This is more probably to be
read (a)na, "god," than Nana, the .Sun-god. Ana(s) was a Cilician god (Six :
Nmnisvialic Chron., 3rd ser., IV, p. 106).
- It is worth noticing that in the treaty between Ramses II and the Hittites,
"rivers of the land of the Ilittites " are divinities like the Sun-god or Amon.
The river Sangarios is said to have been the father of Attys by the Dintlymenian
mother, and the Sangarios has a Hittite connection. Prof. Ramsay discovered a
186
May 13] DECIPHERMEXT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
The goddess of Carchemish was H ^ (gg). The bird seems
to be non-phonetic ; at all events it is merely the symbol of the
deity, as we may infer from the fact that it accompanies the re-
presentations of her at Fraktin and Mer'ash (see Ramsay and
Hogarth in the Reaieil de Trava?ix, XIV, p. 90), and is omitted in
B.jNI. 5. An image of the goddess is now in the British Museum ;
sha stands upon the water and carries in one hand the implement
1) , and in the other the hieroglyphs cf=o (3D > that is to say, " the
goddess of the sky " (or " the goddess supreme "). The same
characters accompany her name at Fraktin. She is the mother-
goddess of Asianic religion, worshipped under different names at
different sanctuaries, as Ma at Komana, as Kybele at Pessinous, as
Paramene, " the mother of the gods," according to Hesychius, in
Lydia. In northern Syria she was identified with Istar, or Ashtoreth,
and known specifically as 'Ati. Hdnce in the later Semitic days,
when Mabog had succeeded to Carchemish, the goddess of the
" Sacred City " was addressed by the compound title of Atar-gatis,
or Derketo, the Athtar-'Ati of the Semites.
Her name is naturally found in the Hittite inscriptions of Car-
chemish, and we have now to discover, if possible, how it was
pronounced there. It formed part, as we shall see, of that of the
king to whom the second Jerablus inscription belongs, and as the
ideograph of '• loved by " which forms the second element in the
name, terminates in the suffix -j?ie^ we are reminded of the Hittite
name Sapa-lulme, written Subbi-luliuma in the Tell el-Amarna
tablets. If I am right, however, in identifying Saba, Sabazios, with
Sapa, the latter will be a god and not a goddess.
But ff ^ C^b) ^vas the divine patroness, not of Carchemish only,
but of a locality in Asia Minor as well. In the Karaburna inscrip-
tion, 11. 2, 3, she has the title of '=^^\ ^ 6^ Iv-ga-na ^ {-DET.-mts-
vas), and ^ ^^ is the name of a country mentioned in the Bor
inscription (1. 2) (where the king of Tyana is called "the lord" of
Hittite inscription at Kolitolu Yaila, about twelve miles from Ilgin the ancient
Tyriaion, and the name of the river reappears in the S'agura, or S'angura, now the
Sajur, which flows into the Euphrates a little to the south of Carchemish, as well
as in another S'agura mentioned by Asr.ur-nazir-pal in the land of the Khattina.
S'angara or S'agara was a king of Carchemish.
' The striped animal's head is drawn in a similar way at Mer'ash.
187
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
it) as well as in M. I. In Mer'ash I the ideograph of "country"
is attached to the name ; at Bor this is replaced by CD , which, how-
ever, Messerschmidt makes n}
What country was there adjoining Tyana and Mer'ash sufficiently
important for a goddess to be called after it, and the name of which
ended in -qa'^ I can think of no other but Cilicia, the Khilakki
and Khilukki of the Assyrian inscriptions, the Qalqish of Egyptian
writers. In this case ^ will have the value of khila, or kki/ak, and
the local name of the goddess of Carchemish will have been Khila.
In the Vannic inscriptions two kings of Melitene are mentioned of
the name of Khila-ruadas. The second part of the compound appears
as rundasand ruda{s) in the nameof Garpa-runda(s)andGarpa-ruda(s),
Girpa-ruda(s), borne by kings of Gur-gum and the Khattina in the
9th century fi.c. As the Vannic character which more usually stands
for la may also be read te, I have of late years exchanged my
earlier reading Khila-ruadas for Khite-ruadas, induced thereto by the
names of Ilu-khite of Subria and Us-khitti of Tuna. But in tlie
last name, khitti forms the second element in the compound, and
therefore may not be the name of a god at all, and, in any case, the
more natural reading of the Vannic characters would be Khila-ruadas,
where the name of the deity Khila takes the place of Garpa or
Girpa in Garpa-rundas. In the Greek inscriptions of Isauria, Prof.
Sterrett found the names K/\« and 'I\X«s-, as well as the female
It would seem from M. i, where the oblique line is drawn after
khila^ separating it from a second khila which is followed by qa-a-na-i-s
and the determinative of "country," that <^ might be used ideo-
graphically for kliilak or khilaqas. Was it interpreted "the Cilician,"
or was Cilicia named after the goddess ? ^Ve must not forget that
a neighbouring town to Carchemish, Aleppo, was called Khili-p by
the Egyptians, Khalman by the Assyrians (where we probably have
the Hittite suffixes /na-na), and that it stood on the Khalus, which
again reminds us that the kingdom of Melitene was known to the
Assyrians as "Khali the Greater."''
The character ^1^ is combined with .^=^^ in the inscription of
' A re-examination of the photograph has convinced me that he is right.
- Cp. the name of the Kaly-kadnos, and with the latter that of Oadnii,
associated with Mannus or Mallos by Seti I.
^ Is Khnhnan " the (town) of the goddess Khila " ? Khal-kis (now (^innesrin)
rebuilt by Seleiicus>J "- ' or stood near the mouth of the Khalus. I am boun<l to
188
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRirTIOXS. [1903.
^lalatiyeh, so as to form a compound character which enters into the
name of a place, the first syllable of which is represented by what
looks like the couch via. As I have already noticed, the name
would naturally read Ma-Iat-ya.
I can speak more positively about another geographical name
which is represented by a bull's head, and is found in the inscriptions
of Carchemish and Mer'ash. Sometimes it is preceded by a (J. I, 2,
III, 2), sometimes followed by it (M. 2, 3), and once it is followed
by me (J. I, 2). The name must be that of the Aramaeans — Arime,
Arumu, and Aramu in Assyrian — who adjoined both Gurgum and
Carchemish. I had at first thought of Arame, the son of Agusi, in
the 9th century B.C., whose kingdom of Yakhanu, or Akhanu, lay
between Carchemish and the Khattina, and included Aleppo and
probably Arpad.^ But the territory of Arame is excluded by the
mention of the name at Mer'ash. The name occurs in the following
combinations : }. I, 2, sar-7nis A-rn-j)ie-yas'DKT., "the Aramcean king " ;
J. I, 3, Sar-mi-s-s{a) Aravi-m-a, " the king of Aram " ; M. 2, Aram-
a-s- \Vi.-si-s; M. 3, \V),-n-a-s Arain-a-ya-si-s id., "lord of the Aramaeans."
'J'he ideograph is here the knife, one of whose values accordingly
would seem to be assi, or si, or asis.-
say, however, that a phonetic complement -in is so often attached to the name of
the goddess, as to make me question whether it did not really terminate in that
sound, in which case we should have to look for some other name than Khila.
Thus on a fragment from Carchemish (Messerschmidt, XII, 4) we have {Kliila)-
Tii-ma-yas, and "the god {Kkila)-»i-a,''^ mentioned in B.M. 5, evidently forms the
tirst part of the compound name {Kliila)-nic-a-sar, which is found on a seal now
in the .Kshmolean Museum.
^ On the Black Obelisk (I. 86) Arne is said tc be the capital of Avame. This
is probably a mistake for Qarne, which was in the sam3 part of the world. In the
Assyrian letter (II, 80-7-19, 26) already referred to, Qarne is associated with
Dana and Arpad, and must be the Atugeren of the geographical list of Thothmes III
in northern Syria. In the lists of Ramses HI Atugeren is divided into two towns
Kama and Atu. Atu is doubtless the goddess 'Ati, whose name is found in that
of the Hittite chieftain Eta-gama of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, where we have
the various spellings, Aida, Eta, and Ita. In an Assyrian revenue-list (W.A.I. IT,
53) 36) Qar-ni-ni . . stands between Damascus (Dimasqa) and Hamath (Khamat).
- It is instructive to compare the following forms : -
M. 2. ^ ^^j^ A y cOd ^ aram-a-as-SI-si-is.
Bab. 4. ^ I I y dCd ^ ^j ^l^..m-a-as-s.i-s.
Bab. 5. ^ I ^ Qn^ t=^ ID.-;/./(?)-i/-/-^.
189
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1903.
It is possible that another ideograph possesses the ^ame or an
(A.M. 2) or OlI (J. Ill, 3), which appears
under various forms elsewhere (J. I, 5, II, 2). In J. II, 2 the
phonetic complement -7ne is attached to it. It here denotes the
name of a god, the determinative of divinity being attached to it : in
J. Ill, 3, on the other hand, it is a title. In J. I, 5, with the suffix
-mis, it takes the place of i-rzrw/V "king," and precedes Arama; in the
Agrak inscription it is also a title following the proper name. In
B.M. 2 it follows the word " king," with the suffixes -a-mes-ya and the
determinatives of plurality and locality. Here the natural interpreta-
tion would be: "the king of kings" or "kingdoms." So too in
Bab. 2 the context would suggest some such meaning as, "Sandan
the protector of my sovereignty has given me my royal city, my ....
and my sovereignty." In the Agrak text the title replaces the "dirk-
bearer (and) conqueror " of the Bor and Mer'ash inscriptions.
As the title denotes the name of a deity in J. II, 2, so there is
another ideograph which also expresses the name of a deity in
J. Ill, I, 5 and H. IV, i, though elsewhere it is used as a common
noun. This is O which seems to represent a breastplate or shield.'
In J. I, 5, with the suflix -na, it follows the adjective "powerful," thus
occupying the same place as Khilagh-gha in one of the Mer'ash texts
(iMesserschmidt, XXV, 2). In Bor 2, with the termination -«^i-, it is
apparently a title parallel with "lord." Its phonetic value may be
arrived at in the following way. (i) In the Kirsh-oghlu inscription,
line 2, it comes between the phonetic complement ga- and the
suffix -x, at Mer'ash (Messerschmidt, XX\', 4) it is followed by ga-iu,
and in the Skandertin text (Messerschmidt, VIII, A3) by the ideograph
I am bound lo add, however, that the bull's head, with or without a, signifies
"city" {e.g., J. Ill, 4), and interchanges with Iw which is sometimes attached to
it as in J. I, 2 {a-i-a-'&h-mc-yas D£T.), and, since -/iieyas, ma, may be a suffix,
sarmis-aranicyas and sarines-araJiia might signify " the kingof the city," and thus be
the equivalent of the Semitic melccli-kiryatli, or Melkarth. In this case " the
temple of Sarmes-arameyas " in J. I would refer to the temple of the chief god.
In Bab. i, a-ra-s det. "of the city" is perhajis more probable than a-rain-as
" the Aram;Tian." The pronunciation of sarwes is given us in the name of
Sanda-sarmes on one of the Schlumberger seals (No. 6) ; in J. I, 3 and 5 we
have two variants of the word : (^J^ ^(VTm^ vy sa?--///i-s and V W sarnt (?)-?>.
' The god of llieranolis or Mabug wore a breast-plate, according to
Ma- robius {Sat. I, 17).
igo
May 13] DECiniERMENT OK IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
of plurality and the characters ,^(7 (2) ^ -''• (2) The second character
in the last word occurs again in the Bulgar Maden inscription
5 according to Messerschmidt's corrected copy of the text, where
we read: Determinative of deity na-ga-tu (2!) ma-s-m-a-7i Deter-
minative OF city, " the city {ina-u) of the god Nagatu-mas," a name
which reminds us of Nagidos. It is obvious from this that (j^ has
the value of ^^fl/ or /C'rt'/.' It is further obvious that Q must be
gaten or katefi.
Doubt, however, is cast upon the combination, which depends on
the correctness of the copy of the Skanderun text, by the fact that in
B.M. 2 the plural ga-tic-mis-i-yas (where the plural sufifix 7nis is
perhaps not intended to be pronounced, ixas being its phonetic
equivalent) is followed by jz with the affix of plurality and the
determinative either of the "sacred stone" or of a "district." If
the latter determinative is correct, have we here the name of
Kata-onia ?
The inscription of Karaburna begins with the words
T m, ^ 0 °Do T . Ya-a is "this," -ya the first person of a verb.
The meaning consequently must be : " This tablet (or inscription)
I have written," and 0 will be the picture of a tablet. The verb
may be read either iia-nas-ya or fias-ya, or the two first characters
' In the Kirsh-oghhi inscription the country called that of the Khattina liy the
Assyrians is entitled TIP C~ff^ TlU • I li^^e sometimes thought that the first
character may be a variant of the ^ar (or k/ia ?) of the Aleppo text, though the
actual variant of tlte latter is more probably Tir (J. Ill, 4, as we must read
according to tlie original after S7n2na(?)-mi {?) ). At all events the Kirsh-oghlu
name is parallel to the Mer'ash name F OD[k. V/ (Messerschmidt, XXII).
The phonetic value of (]0D^ seems to be ^--a-s according to 15. M. 4, ga-ta {})
according to the Bowl, where unfortunately the second character is uncertain ; at
all events it is not s. Qadi was the Egyptian name of the district in which the
land of the Khatina was situated, and ihe name read Kelekish by Dr. W. Max
Miiller, and identified by him with Cilicia, is by many Egj-ptologists read
Qarqish, and identified with the Kaska of the Assyrian monuments. Cp. the
Biblical Girgashites.
As ODIK is ideographically Khatta, it is also possible to make (2) ^''"' "'' ^^^
instead of^^rt/;^and to read at Kirsh-oghlu and Mer'ash Kha-at(u)-nas, " Ilittite,''
and KIia-{kha)tta-ya. In this case Q will be atiiii.
191
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH.EOLOGY. ^1903.
may form a compound reading a>ias. At any rate the signification
of the phrase is clear. It is followed by the words : " The ruler of
the city of . . ., Sinas the king of the land of Sinas . . .
(am) I." The same phrase is found in the Hamath texts. There
also we have ^ \l X to " ^ ^^^^'C written the inscription" in
H. I, 2 ; in H. II and III the ideograph is omitted.
In all three cases the phrase is followed by the names of two
countries (as is shown by their determinatives), the second of which
is Khattais and Khattanas, '• the Hittite." The first reads
Me-ta-a-na-s in H. I ; this is followed by Khattais. Here we have
the name of Mitanni, the translation being probably '"a Mitannian
(and) Hittite."
In H. II and III Khat-ta-i-s is replaced by K/mtta-nas, the
ideograph of " inscription" is omitted, and instead of Metanas we
have Argana-{n)as-iiia , " in the land of Argana," and Md-}-?ia-//i-a-
fta-?ias, where the second character is unfortunately doubtful.'
The name of the Bor king is written ^^ dI]q [T^ *^^ ^D*^
A-ni-ar-a-s. The oblique line is always drawn after the first
character, indicating that it is used ideographically and constitutes
a separate element in the name. It may therefore represent the
name of the Cilician god A or la, on whom see Sachau in the
Zeitschrift filr Assyriologie, VII, p. 89. The second character is
tn or am. The third, as we have seen, is ar. We thus get the
name A-maras, in which I believe we must see the name of the
great Cilician and Tibarenian king who is called, in the inscriptions
of Sargon, Amris and Ambarisa {i.e., Ambris). The vowel of the
final syllable constitutes the only difficulty in the identification :
but Ivriz, which according to local tradition derived its name from
an ancient king Abrus, and where king Amaras has sculptured a
likeness of himself, is certainly in favour of it.
The ]jlace-name attached to the figure of the god is written
CD ^ ^ — ~^ IL ^?2 It thus begins with Ta, and, as it consists
of three letters, suggests the name of the Tabala or Tubal, who
have left a record of themselves in the neighbouring city of Kas-
' It looks like s, and the analogy of the Karalnirna inscription would lead us
to read Md-s-7ia-iJi-a-}ia-(ii)as, and render "of the land of Masna," a nian".s
name. Or perhaps we have the accusative of the word for " inscription," the
name of the country being Mana.
192
May 13] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE IXSCKIPTIONS. [1903.
tabala. Now Amris was a Tabal chief to whom Sargon gave the
kingdom of CiHcia, and it is therefore worth notice that Amaras is
here called the a-tu or " king of Ta . . . ." The outstretched
hand evidently means " to give " in J. II, 3 (see Recueil de Travaux,
XV, p. 26), and "to give," in the language of Arzawa, was lai. If it
had the phonetic value of la, the leg would be ba.
But the leg is found by itself used ideographically to denote a
royal or priestly title. The Malatiyeh king is called iT^ H
so also is the king on the Obelisk of Izgin (A i, 3). The obelisk
comes from Albistan, near the old Arabissos, in the territory of the
Tabala, which adjoined that of Milid. At Carchemish the leg is
coupled with the place name © ^ (J. Ill, 2), which is found
also in J. I, 5 with the phonetic complement -a, as well as at Mer'ash
(4, Front, I, 2), where it is associated with the ideograph of "city,"
and, as at Carchemish, with the word " gods." ^
The name of the city over which the Izgin king ruled, and which
is therefore presumably Arabissos, is expressed by the ideograph
^ (A I, 3, B 2, 19).' In A 3 it is said to be "in the land of the
Hittites " (DET, Khatta-ya-7n-a), and there follows the name of "a
city," to which the determinative of "district" is attached, which
consists of three very unusual characters, the second of them being
the horse's head (cp. M. Fro7it, 3). Here, possibly, was the land of
Togarmah (Ezek. xxvii, 14). The city of Arabissos (?) seems to be
called the city of Sandan (C 19, D i).
We will now return to the Hamath texts. A reference to the
position of H. IV and H. V on the original stone, when compared
with the arrangement of the columns on the Izgin Obelisk, would
lead us to infer that the first three lines of H. V were read consecu-
tively, and were followed by the four lines of H. IV. The last two
lines of V form a supplement which must have been added after the
completion of the main text. Now in IV i, 2 we have, "in the land
' The leg also occurs as a title in Bab. 5. And the use of e^ in And. 4
nnd B.M. 4 inclines me to believe that this latter ideograph meant a " sanctuary."
The leg is associated with the word " dirk-bearer "at jNIalatiyeh as at Carchemish,
and the double leg, with the ideograph of plurality, in J. Ill, 4, corresponds with
the word {gaUi-)s with the determinative of " priests " in line 5.
- It is the figure of the caduceus, held for instance by the Phrygian god in the
bas-relief, accompanied by Hittite hieroglyphs, discovered by Prof. Ramsay and
published by him in ihe Jou7-nal of Hellenic Studies, III, PI. XXIu.
May 13J SOCIETY OF IJIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1903-
of the Amorite god, of the warrior (?) god, the kingly, the powerful,"
followed by oQo CD _| ^3 CD <^ and then the word
"supreme." What else can this be except "supreme in the land of
Hamath"? Ma-a, as we know, is a suffix denoting "in the land"
or the like, ya is also a suffix, ^2 is fa, and Q is f"i^- The first
character, therefore, must have the value of a or am, or possibly //a,
ham or k/iai/i.
Now in H. V the king, instead of being called " king of the city
of Hamath," as in H. I, II, III, is entitled "king of the city of
W 4, ^^ I. I, V 4, IV 3 this is written % ^ £ ; in
IV, 3 we also have the adjective TTP W]U c^ ,^ . In the ilrst
instance we have the horns followed by am {/laiii) twice repeated,
and the couch nia with the plural sign. This reminds us that in the
language of Arzawa there was a plural in / or d iyhibbit or bibbid
"chariots"). It would seem, therefore, that the Hittite word for
" horns" was {Ii)-ama-t, or something similar, and we may accordingly
read the first instance (h)amat-(z;;;//7«/'-mat, the second instance
being {Ji)a>iaf-ain-ya, and the third {Ji)ainat-aminat-nas. The cross
may be identical with the cross in J. II, 6 {am-iiii}) and I, 4 {aiii-
a-arl).^
' On the Skanderun stone, ubv. 2, we find a word a [})-in-in-a followed by
the horns (unless the character is rather the animal's head na) and the plural
suffix -mis (or -is). It seems to be the phonetic representative of the ideogra]ih
~^// , to which the determinative of plurality is attached.
( To be continued. )
194
May 13] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD.
By Theophilus G. Pinches, LL.D.
( Continued from page 122.)
The next scene presented to us is Gilgames before the goddess
Siduri, who bears the descriptive title of sabitu, a word of doubtful
meaning. She is said to have sat on the throne of the sea, wearing
(if I understand Jensen rightly) clothing bound on with cords, and
enshrouded in a cloak. He runs to her, and she sees him coming
from afar, and bolts her door. Gilgames, however, will not be
gainsaid, and, threatening to break it open, he at last obtains
admission. The usual questions as to his worn and weatherbeaten
appearance follow, and he gives the answer that his friend, the
panther of the plain, with whom he had performed so many great
deeds, was dead, that he himself feared death, and that he would
not arise again to all eternity. He ends by asking the road to
Ut-napistim.
The answer is, that there is no way over, and that since the
beginning of time none had passed over, except " the Sun-god, the
warrior." The ford was difficult, the road fatiguing, and deep were
the waters of death. But there was Sur-Sunabu, Ut-napistim's
boatman, to whom he might go. He was to let him see his face,
and if it were possible he could cross over with him, if not, he
must turn back. On hearing this, Gilgames seized his weapons, and
hurriedly continued his w\ay.
Where the text again becomes legible, the hero is in the presence
of Sur-Sunabu, who is addressing to him the same questions as all
those who had hitherto encountered him on his journey, and
Gilgames returns the same answer. On asking the road to Ut-
napistim, Sur-Sunabu tells him that he had himself hindered the
195
May 13] SOCIETY OF lilBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
journey, in that he had destroyed some stony thing which seems,
from the sequel, to have formed part of the ship in which he would
have to travel. Acting upon instructions from Sur-Sunabu, Gilgames
goes to the forest and cuts down 120 galley-oars of 5 gar (60 ells)
long, which he takes to Sur-Sunabu, and thereupon they both go on
board the ship and cast off. The journey was to be one of a month
and fifteen days, coming, on the third day (? thereafter) to the
waters of death, which Gilgames was not to touch with his hands.
In crossing this all the galley-oars seem to have been used up, but
in what way is not clear. Before arriving at the end of their
vojage, Gilgames sets up (according to Jensen) a mast, but
whether to catch the breeze or as a signal is not stated, though the
latter would seem to be the more probable, as immediately after-
wards Ut-napistim is said to have perceived the ship. It is not
improbable, however, that what Jensen regards as a mast, was in
reality a platform upon which to stand, the desire of (iilgames being
to catch sight of Ut-napistim as soon as possible. The latter, on his
side, seems to notice that the ship is damaged, and that there is on
hoard a stranger, who was not a man, and also, according to Jensen's
restoration, not even a human being, and yet not a god, but one-
like himself, as is also stated in the first paragraph of the eleventh
tablet, which contains the story of the Flood. The introduction to
the immortal patriarch, Ut-napistim, follows, in which the cause of
the journey of Gilgames is related, and in the end he says that he
will go and see Ut-napistim, with whom Sur-Sunabu speaks, and to
see whom he had come so far, and passed through so many dangers
and hardships. The record of the meeting itself, however, is
wanting, and of the interview which followed the tenth tablet has the
end only of a longish speech of Ut-napistim, containing some
exceedingly interesting but in many cases imperfect lines, ending
with a statement as to the uncertainty of life, the length of which is
determined by the gods alone.
'['he contents of the eleventh tablet, which contains" the story of
the Flood as related by Ut-napistim, it is not necessary to refer to
here, as it is probably well known to most of my audience. Suffice
it to say, that after the story is finished, and it is clearly shown how-
it was that Ut-napistim attained life in the assembly of the gods, the
restoration of Gilgame.s to health is related, and he departs with
Sur-Sunabu to Erech supiwi, where they arrange, to all appearance,
fc)r the restoration ot the ruined buildings of the city. The twelfth
196
May 13] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903.
and Inst tablet of the series is devoted to the account of the state of
the departed in Hades, with special reference to Ea-du, Gilgames's
departed friend, the cause of whose death is far from clear, the only
certain thing with reference to it being, that " the earth had seized
him." In the end, however, the god Ea lets the spirit of Ea-du
come forth to earth once more, possibly to inhabit his body again.
He refuses to tell, however, what he had seen concerning the " law "
(so Jensen) of the earth, for the hearer of the story would only sit
down and weep. Concerning the state of the dead, on the other
hand, he is willing to speak, and relates that those who have fallen
in battle and have been buried, abide in a heavenly dwelling in
comfort and happiness ; but when it is otherwise, the unfortunate
spirit, whose existence there is a reflection of that which he passed
whilst on earth, " Food in a trough, the leavings of the meal, which
upon the ground is thrown, he eateth."
It is difficult to fix the point in the version, already known to us,
where the interview of Gilgames with the Sun-god comes in, but
from the wording one would imagine that it happened during his-
long journey in the land of darkness, which seems to be identified
with the underworld, where the dead who have not died in a
condition to secure the happiness of the blessed had their abode.
Having lain there the whole of the year, he prays to be released,
that his eyes might see the sun, satisfied with brightness. His
request, " May the dead who has died see the glory of the sun,"
apparently refers more especially to the case of his friend Ea-du.
The second and third columns, which refer to Gilgames's inter-
view with Siduri, the sabitii, correspond with the first and second
columns of the tenth tablet of the version discovered by George
Smith, though it is difficult to find any parallel for the new version
there. The short details of what Gilgames and Ea-du did together
are replaced, in the text discovered by Dr. Meissner, by the simple
words " Ea-du, whom I greatly love — with me has he undergone all
misfortunes. Now he is gone to the fate of mankind, day and night
have I wept over him." There is a statement, though in different
words, that he fears death, but instead of the despairing cry that he,
when he died, would not rise again to all eternity, he expresses the
desire that, now that he has seen the face of the sabitu, he might
not see death. It is a comfortless answer, however, that the sabitu
gives. Death is the lot of mankind, set by the gods, who retain
life in their own hands. Eat, drink, be merry, clothe thyself with
197 o
May 13] SOCIliTV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOCIV. [1903.
glorious apparel- take delight in thy child and in thy wife — such is
her altogether worldly advice. It was certainly not what the
Babylonian hero expected, and we may take it that, in the gap
following the third column, there was a request for something better,
and more satisfying to his needs at the time. We see from the
version first published by G.Smith, that she advised the hero to seek
Sur-Sunabu, and there is every probability that the new version
contained a similar recommendation.
In the fourth column of the new version, Gilgames is in the
presence of Sur-Sunabu, after having destroyed something in his
anger — piobably the sut abni — the stony things — which, in the
other version, seem to have been part of the ship which ferried
passengers across the waters of death. vSur-Sunabu. however, is not
angrv with him for what he has done, for when Gilgames comes
back, and stands by him, he simply looks into his eyes, asking him
what his name is, telling him at the same time his own. Cxilgames,
in his answer, states who he is, and why he has come — namely, to
see Ula-naistim (as the name seems to be spelled her^) the remote,
whose servant (this is apparently the idea to be understood) Sur-
Sunabu was. From the wording of the whole, it would seem that
the new version did not contain those lengthy repetitions which
characterise the Gilgames legend discovered by the late George
Smith.
There are two or three noteworthy things concerning the names
to be referred to.
The name of Gilgames, which is written elsewhere >->f- tf ]Tfty >^,
Gis-gatMiias, h here shortened to >->|- tj, the determinative prefix
and the first component part of his name. The reading Gilgames
was published by me in 1890, from the tablet 82-5-22, 915, where
the comparison is given :
U.P. Gis-gaii-rnas \ D.P. Gi-il-ga-7ncs.
The variant, which has been referred to by several Assyriologists,
namely, ->f- tf Jl^^f J^^-^ ^Zwf' Gis-gibil-ga-mis (apparently pro-
nounced Gilgames), was first pointed out by Prof. Hommel in the
Proceedings of this Society for November, 1893, and from that it
would appear that this ruler was the first to build the fortress of
]*>ech, the city which he ruled. Such an inscription as this, re-
198
Mav 13] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OE THE FLOOD. [1903.
ferring as it does to an architectural work erected by (jilgames,
almost brings that hero forth from the mists of the mythical period
into the daylight of history. His name is also mentioned in five or
six . other inscriptions, and in some cases forms part of personal
names, pointing to a firm belief, in the minds of the people, in his
divine nature.
Yet another reference to tlie name of Gilgames seems to occur
in the bilingual list described as the third tablet of the series Sarru,
*'king."i This is given on the reverse, left-hand double column,
lines 6-8, where we read as follows : —
-m
-w
Yvy
yvir
▼
->f ^T J^t^r -W ^TTT
-m
-"i^U
▼
->^ ^ IeU
-m
-f'iu
VVV
T? Ihl ^ .4
Kalaga
imina
D.P
. Gis-bil-ga-mis. Gilgames.
fvalaga
imina
muq
- tab - lu Warrior.
valaga
imina
a -
lik
pa - na 0)ie going before.
The meaning of Kalaga imina is " Hero seven," and the question
naturally arises, whether Gilgames was regarded as the seventh of a
succession of great men. The two lines which follow tell us that the
characters in the first column stood also for " warrior," and " one
going before," apparently = "leader."-
Hardly less interesting is the name of his friend and companion,
whom he mourned so deeply. This is given in the text first
published by G. Smith as *i^yij^ i^\ J^, usually transcribed
Ea-bani. In Dr. Meissner's text, however, it is written >-^ .^p]^ ^,
pointing to some such transcription as Enki-du. As Enki is
' W.A.I. V, 30.
- There is another section of this tablet where the number rj», imina, "seven,"
occurs, illustrating its mystic signification. In this case, however, it refers to
towns or districts, four being mentioned, namely, Babylon, Erech, Kisi, and
Yamutbala. In the lines preceding these it is translated by kiSSaiu, "the
world," and xy^ ^^f (so read instead of ^ ^3^1 ), sibit, "seven," evidently
as the number of perfection and completeness. A study of this point, however,
would necessitate a reference to all the documents where the number occurs.
In my late revision of the inscription I found one or two other corrections of
the text, the most important being Rev., left-hand col., 1. 29, *~^y^^[(?) for
[gf I(?) :=lildi(.
199 O 2
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
equivalent to the god En, I have adopted provisionally the reading
Ea-dti, It still remains to be decided which of the two ancient
spellings is the correct one. "-I]^ -^ ^, Enid {Ea)-dii {dii^^a)
would mean " Ea is good," and '^■^Vi^ ^JBJ J^I, Enki {Ea)-di/, " Ea
creates." This variation in the spelling arises from the homo-
phonic values of tlie characters ^ and ^, due (at least in the case
of the former) to phonetic decay.
Sur-Siuiahii (or -Sunapu) is also a very interesting name, prob-
ably furnishing the key to a number of others similarly compounded.
The form in the old version was read Ur-Hamsi by G. Smith. Many
years ago, however, I pointed out that the name of the divinity (the
second component) was not the sign for " 50," but for "40," and I
proposed the reading Ur-Sanabi,^ in accordance with the gloss
placed beside the group >->f- ^^^ ^ in the Cuneiform Inscripiions
of Western Asia, Vol. II, pi. 55, 1. 52. The new tablet shows that
this was correct, Stinahn being a Semitic Babylonian transcription of
Sanabi, with a changed vowel in the first syllable, and the termi-
nation of the nominative at the end. In the first part of the name,
we have the interesting variant of Si/r for Ur, implying a new value
for the character ][]y. This evidently receives illustration and
confirmation in such examples as J^^. ns, also, apparently, sus,
Semitic sussu, the soss ; ^, sn and /.•; ; ^^^, sursub and nrsub
{Proceedings, May, 1901, p. 204), and would be a parallel to the
substitution of the light breathing for the sibilant in Greek, and the
//-conjugations (hiphil, etc.) for the .y-conjugations (shaphel, etc.) in
the Semitic languages. Probably the names Ur-Engur, Ur-Bau, etc.,
ought to be transcribed Sur-Engur, Sur-Bau, etc.
The variant for the name of the Babylonian Noah is likewise of
interest. According to Meissner's copy, this is Uta-naistivi, and
with this my own collation of this part of the inscription when in
Berlin in September last entirely agrees, though, with Meissner, I
am inclined to keep an open mind until we have some confirmation,
either by cleaning the cnd'of the inscription where the name occurs
for the second time, or in some other way. The absence of the
^X— in "^ll ^^T ^.^ 311 '"<^ seems strange, but may be due, as
' Sec the Proceediiii;!: for Jan., 1S81, p. 40, 1. 17, in which line, liowever,
^^ is miswriUen for 4^' f JJ^f ^^ is the correct form, and is the same as
that of the personage under discussion. The Semitic rendering of Sur-Sunabu
(-yanahi) is A7vel-£a [Aiiic!-Ka), " Man of the god I'll."
200
May 13] GILGAMES AND THE HERO OF THE FLOOD. [1903
he suggests, to the pronunciation of/ asy, and then as v, ultimately
disappearing, in the written form, altogether. The name receives
illustration from the phrase ?// uta balatain, " I have not looked for
life," in col. 2, 1. 10. By this Jensen's provisional transcription,
Ut-na pisti/ii, in his Afythen unci Epcn, would seem to be fully
justified and confirmed.
This is, as before remarked, yet another example of the treasures
which await the pick of the excavator in that ancient land. It is
needless to say that Dr. Meissner, and also the Vorderasiatische
Gesellschaft, deserve the best thanks of scholars for the publication
of this inscription. The above translation and notes upon the text
Avill doubtless be appreciated by the members of the Society of
Biblical Archceology, in whose Transactions George Smith first pub-
lished the Babylonian story of the Flood.
[It was my intention to give, as an appendix to the above, part
of a duplicate of the first tablet of the Gilgames series, with tran-
scription and translation. As, however, I was told at the British
Museum that the fragment in question was reserved for publication
by the Trustees, I withhold it, trusting that its issue may not be
long delayed.]
'^^^^^.
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. (1905.
SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS.
By a. Cowi.ey, M.A.
On his return from Egypt in 1901, Prof. Sayce brought to the
Bodleian Library three small rolls of papyrus which he had purchased
at Elephantine. The library already owes so much to his judgment
and liberality, that we awaited the unrolling of them with the greatest
interest, and the more so as from a few detached fragments we knew
them to be written in Aramaic. The first and the second were
unrolled, but were disappointing, as no respectable sense could be
got from them. The third proving more difficult, Dr. A. S. Hunt
kindly undertook to open it, and then suggested that the three
fragments really formed one document. By much patience, and
with the help of Dr. B. P. Grenfell, the whole was eventually pieced
together, and now forms the longest and most continuous text of
the kind hitherto published. It is practically complete, with the
exception of about a quarter of the first two lines, and is unusually
clear and easy to read. It had apparently been rolled up and then
bent over into a third of its length. It naturally broke at the bends,
and hence its appearing in three columns, although fortunately little
has been lost in the breaking. When I came to decipher it, Prof.
Sayce also showed me three csiraka which he had acquired at the
same time and place, and which proved to refer to the same names
(and probably the same persons) as the papyrus. He also had a
rough copy of another ostrakon, now in Berlin, in which we together
recognised the name of one of the persons concerned. Lastly,
I remembered an ostrakon (in the British Museum) published in the
Corpus Jnscriptionum Semiiicariiiu, which again had reference to
the same persons. All five came from Elejjhantine. No. i is
complete, but the beginning of the convex side is almost obliterated.
No. 2 is probably complete, but almost obliterated. Only a few
202
May 13] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
words can be made out with certainty. No. 3 is a mere fragment,
very difficult to read. No. 4 (British Museum) is not quite complete.
The text given below, which differs in some minor details from that
in the C.I.S., is based on a very careful collation of the original in
the light of the allied texts. No. 5 (Berlin) is from a tracing and
photograph most kindly procured for me by Prof. Strack. No. 6 is
a fragment belonging to Prof. Sayce. He is uncertain as to tlie
place at which it was originally found.
I have not attempted to give a consecutive translation of the
ostraka. They seem to have been used for familiar correspondence
and private notes, and are not written in the same straightforward
st)le as, for instance, the legal document on papyrus. Even Greek
ostraka, of which we possess numerous specimens, and of which the
language is known in every phase and stage, often present great
difficulty. Much more is this the case with Egyptian Aramaic
ostraka, of which only about a dozen have been published, mostl)
mere fragments, and of which the language is still very little known-
It seemed worth while, however, to print the texts, without waiting
till they can be interpreted, because every new fragment adds to our
chancer, of understanding them. We can only hope to succeed in
doing so when large numbers have been published and systemati-
cally treated, as Wilcken, Grenfell and Hunt have treated Greek
ostraka.
With regard to the date we can only form a conjecture. There
can be little doubt that all the seven documents belong to the same
time. If they belonged to the Ptolemaic period, they would
probably have been written either in Greek or in DemiOtic, like-
other inscriptions of that date, including the ostraka of the Jewish
tax-collectors at Thebes, as Prof. Sayce suggests to me. On the-
other hand, Aramaic was commonly used in the Persian period.
The papyrus deed is drawn up between persons mostly bearing
Jewish names, and Jews have at all times composed such documents
between themselves in the language commonly used by them,
whether Hebrew, Aramaic, or Arabic, and not necessarily in the
official language of the country in which tliey are living. But these
were usually ratified before the Beth-din, or Jewish ecclesiastical
court, as may be seen from numerous examples in the Bodleian
Lil)rary. In the present papyrus there is hardly room for any
mention of the Beth-din in the lost part of the first line, nor can we
feel certain that the colony was large enough to ]:)0ssess a court of
203
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
the kind. It may therefore be conjectured that the deed was drawn
according to the procedure of the country, and that Aramaic was
used as being the official language of the time. In that case it most
probably belongs to the Persian period, or at any rate is not later
than 300 B.C. The latter is the date assigned by Euting^ to an
ostrakon in a similar hand, while de Vogue (I think, in most cases,
rightly) puts the whole series of these documents considerably earlier,
on the authority of one dated in the reign of Xerxes, 482 b.c.^
This appears then to be the earliest contemporary evidence of
the presence of Jews in southern Egypt. They were already settled
there, " in tke country of Pathros," in Jeremiah's time (Jer. xliv,
I, 15), and are rebuked by him for joining in the religious practices
■of the country. The authors of these documents were evidently
engaged in trade (apparently as bankers or money-lenders), and this
was no doubt usually the case with Jewish settlers in Egypt.
Agriculture was not available for them, and they were not likely
to be able to compete with natives in industrial skill. Moreover,
trade connexions with Judaea were always close. That they had at
least business relations with natives is shown by the Egyptian names
occurring in the ostraka. If the interpretation proposed below for
the two words ttl? and 'I"^7n i'l the papyrus be accepted, it would
appear that the Jews made use cf the Babylonian monetary system
even in Egypt.
A curious fact about the ostraka, which I have not noticed in
any other specimens, is that two of them (Nos. i and 3) are
palimpsest. It is true that only a few letters can be made out with
certainty in the lower writing, but there is no doubt about the fact.
It is possibly by the same hand (in No. i) and certainly of the same
period as the upper writing. The firm evidently did a considerable
business, and the potsherds, although one would have thought they
were plentiful enough, appear to have been scraped or cleaned after
they had served their purpose, and then used over again. They
thus represent the sort of notes one might make on an old envelope
or a half sheet of note-paper now, and this partly accounts for the
difficulty of understanding them.
I must thank Prof. Sayce very heartily for his kindness in letting
me use his ostraka, and for his invaluable help in the difficult task
of deciphering the documents.
' Sihtmgsber. d. Pretiss. Aka<f., 1S87, p. 407.
- C./.S., pars, ii, No. 122.
204
May 13] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
In the following transcripts doubtful letters are marked with a
line over the top, thus ^ : letters supplied by conjecture are enclosed
an square brackets thus [^2^5]-
Papyrus.
From Elephantine. MS. Aram. c. i (P), in the Bodleian Library.
^D^ 'h n:n: ■ ■ -h «?2n^ ii ^ i.
1 1 \')hn ^02 'h:,^ nni^i -h i\rr ?id2 nns ^:5 ■ • • c 2.
r\^2r\72 ninm [flS ^n:r2^"i!:« ""^ dv -iy t^n^^ tu.^ ^C2h 3-
nn ^h ]n:« ^h n ^^n-^"^-) "^ n'y^h • • • 1 1 1 p^n -[cdd 4.
n-^^i nn^ ^'t' ^[n:toS;r^«i nnn""") xjr«^ mn*^ n^nio s-
^:: ^v n: ^S nnrm t^iinj^ ]n ^^ p^n-' ^t ""d-is p 6.
h^ i^h nr^h'C} i^h ]m -p a^r:^r2 mn^^ n ^n^*:i ^ci 7.
•jro:: ^pv^ Ml III.- n::ur mnn n•^'^ 1:^ nn^'ni^i 7202 s.
n^'h ni'' "i^y nn"! mn^i ^hv ^^^n^^ -"t nn^ni^i 9-
^nn^r? II-
•ninn*' 11 nirp 13-
rr^^'i nn n'-D^n 15.
Translation.
I. [This is the agreement between X and Y] bar Yathma. You
have given me the sum of
2 Pth the sum of shz for himself (?), for which
interest shall be due from me at the rate of 2 hlr
3. per shz per month, till the day on which I repay it to you. The
interest of your loan (to me) shall be
4. X hlr per month. Any month in which I fail to give you
5. interest, it is to be (added to the) principal, and to bear interest.
I agree to pay it to you month by month
6. out of my pay which ihey give me from the treasury, and you
shall give me a written receipt (?) for all
205
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIIJLICAL ARCILKOLOGV. [1903.
7. money and interest which I pay to you. If I fail to repay to
you the whole of
S. the principal, witli the interest thereon, by the month of Thoth
in the year [? i]6, I am to be held liable for double (?) the
principal
9. and interest outstanding, and to continue to pay interest (on it)
month by month
10. till the day when I repay it to you.
1 1. Witnesses : —
12. 'Uqban b. Shemesh-nuri.
13. Qozri b. Yah-hadari.
14. Mahaseiah b. Yadoniah.
15. Malkhiah b. Zekhariah.
16. The document was written by Gemariah b. Ahio in the presence
of the witnesses who(se names) are appended hereunto.
L. I. It is quite uncertain whether any of the fragments before
b^^il'^ in really belong to this place. ■ • • t, the' remnant of
a letter, is most likely the end of a 7. Something like 172^^7
might perhaps be supplied. The word is used on Ostrakon I.
L. 2. ^2^ • • ■ 0 ; of the doubtful letters only the tail remains.
Either may be ^ or Q. If it is "^2!l) it cannot mean ''my son,"
since "^^ is consistently used elsewhere.
til?. The reading is certain here and in 1. 3. As '^ is
used as an abbreviation for □"'7pU? apparently {C.I.S., ii.
No. 153, etc.), this might be taken as "7 shekels." But the
sum is too small, and in the other ])laces in this papyru.s
where numbers are used, they are not expressed by letters.
It seems to indicate a sum of money, rather than to be an
epithet, ap'/v/jiov €7n'ffij/toi>. Perhaps it is the Babylonian "soss "
(=60 shekels = i maneh), or, as Prof. Sayce suggests, a Persian
word.
]"^Tn might also be read pTH- Meissner quotes hallurit
as used in connexion with interest in cuneiform contracts, a.s
Prof. Sayce pointed out to me.^ If the interest is charged at
' Prof. Sayce has very kindly sent me the passages, with Ir.nnslation, as
follows : —
"iMbk, 373, 12. clat XVIII siijli khiimmusu khallurii kaspi, ' upon iS shekels
in co\wkk.\ of silver': xvm siqli khummusu khalluru kaspi >^ sitjiu [kaspi]
khummusu ina nuikhkhisunu irabbi, 'on 18 shekels in coin kh.\ of silver the
interest shall be \ shekel of silver in coin.'
206
May 13] SOME EGVITLW ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
tlie usual rate of 30 per cent, per annum, the ft!? would be
equal to 80 '[■^'tTI- At 20 per cent, it would be 120. In the
latter case if ixi^ be f maneh, "^711 w'ill be half a shekel.
L. 4. The numeral is partly lost. It may be 11! Ill, or possibly
there is room for eight. The small fragment following seems
not to belong here.
The character after H")"'^ might be a 7, but it is not made
quite like the f elsewhere, and is more probably a mark of
jiunctuation (like the word-divider in Persian cuneiform),
showing that a new section follows.
The b<7 after if is on a frargment which has accidently got
shifted into the line below.
L. 5. The t^ in t^i^"! (not "IJ^"'!) is practically certain.
L. 6. If h^"^^1t^ means "treasury," the debtor would appear to
have been in government employment.
fn^ is another enigmatical word. Its meaning, taken in
conjunction with ^.D^rij ^^ri only be some document, pre-
sumably a receipt. It cannot therefore be connected with
nD,fD.i (Dan. ii, 6). Perh.ips it is Persian, from the stem of
i^S^y , to 7i>rife.
L. 7. '^3,"^?:2V The readmg is quite certain.
L. 8. ninr\ has the earlier form, in which the guttural Jl is still
sounded {cf. HilD i'l line 2) : it has not become weakened as
in the Greek form OicO.
Ill III . . n^U/"- Does this r.-'present a date? If so, ac-
cording to all analogy we should expect a name to follow. If
not, it must mean so many years from the date of the contract.
This again is dilSculr, because the document does not appear
to have been dated otherwise. The space lost after jn^ll^ must
have contained a numeral, either a sign for 10 or 20. This
NrgI, 41, I. ribatu khalluru ana nabdhu ana Samas-yuballidh nadin, 'a
quarter of a k/i. for a nabdhu he has paid to Samas-yuballidh.'
Nab, 1019, 5. I siqlu knsj-ii khalluiu iddinu, ' i shekel of silver kli. they shalS
pay.'
Nab, 1075, 9, 10, 13. I sic|lu khalluru, \ siqlu khalluru, I siqlu \ khalluru ;
' I shekel (and) a kh.^' ' \ shekel (and) a kh.,' ' I shekel (and) \ khalluru.''
Dar, 119, 5. sa arkhi ina mukhkhi I mana 11 ta qattatu khalluru kaspi ina
mukhkhisu irabi, ' the monthly interest upon it shall be 2 " handfuls " kh. of silver
per mina.'
Hence the khalluru must be the name of a small coin."'
207
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [190J.
would restrict our choice of a kini^, if we suppose the years to
be regnal years. Ijut the point is so doubtful that it is not
worth while to speculate.
rip^i probably means "shall be doubled against me " ("'bi^
in 1. 9). If the debt was not i)aid, or if any interest was
outstanding, the debtor was to pay interest on double the
accumulated sura at the rate previously settled. Or it may be
simply "shall be required of me" : an extension of the common
Semitic root .,._ r'i- (shall return, fall upon me'). It can hardly
be connected with the Talmudic nCpH-
L. 12. in^ 'C-*!2"ll''- The second part may be "illC. The name
has more of a Babylonian than a Jewish or Egyptian look.
L. 13. "^"nnrr^ 15 fairly certain. " Yah my glory," a strange
formation.
L. 14. n"^!;i''- The *7 might be a "^, but is not a '2- The name
however occurs on Ostrakon IV, where the ~] is certain.
As to the legal form, cf. C./.S., II, Nos. 64, 65, and especially
66, which was written in Babylonia in 450 B.C. The date is given
only in the cuneiform part. There is a similar proviso with regard
to non-payment. For later forms, (/. Grenfell and Hunt, e.g., Fayi'iin
Towns, No. 89.
' Such a meaning would suit well in ytv. Taliii. CiL, \, 46', IJIIX ri1?D1
1300 n?t3131 fjpiyi myO, "lending him money, then claiming the debt, and
so getting the land from him."
( To be coiitiinted. )
^^^^^<k
20S
~ !^
'HI
;^r^^ rf
Proc. Soc. Bill Arch., May 100.
.u>. -^u- --^s^
,br
to*.-. .^
SA...
:^^
'^■mi
:">»^
■•«» •.
f,:
r ^
>*.:?i^
1 ,r
May 13] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [190.1.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Letter of Professor Dr. Jacob Krall, University of Vienna.
I gladly avail myself of the opportunity afforded me by the
invitation of the Society, to express my views on the question of the
Transcription of Egyptian.
It must not be forgotten that the Egyptian script is first and
foremost a pictorial one. It is derived from painting. Its object
therefore is to produce the picture of the word in question in the
most pregnant manner possible, avoiding confusion of forms to the
utmost. The determinatives introduced later also served the same
purpose, making the reading of the text markedly easier by indicating
the separation of the words to make up for punctuation. But this
was all. The transcription question therefore occupies a different
place in Egyptian to that which it takes in Arabic or Indian.
There are two methods of procedure possible. Either we can
endeavour to reproduce, by means of our types, what the Egyptians
actually wrote — and this seems to me the more correct and attainable
method — or we can endeavour to reproduce the sounds of their
speech as nearly as possible — which is what the Egyptians never
themselves attempted to do before Coptic times.
Our systems of transcription have not proceeded consistently
with either of these methods. As no attention is paid to the
determinatives, and neither ideogram or syllabic is indicated as
such, it is impossible to reconstruct the original hieroglyphic text as
well as would be possible with a transcribed Arabic text — and yet
such signs would have their practical advantages. The awkward
Egyptian types could in most cases be dispensed with ; the ideogram
could be represented by uncial letters, the syllables marked by a line
above them ; and the determinatives might perhaps receive a number
in three figures, whereby the category to which they belong could be
easily recognised.
The Berlin system of transcription differs from its predecessors
in essential and unessential points. Among the unessential points
I reckon the innovations in the representation of the consonants,
209
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
many of which may not be considered happy. Thus the frequent
use of the D, a letter which tlie Copts admitted only in foreign
words, is strange ; also the transcription d\ for the hieroglyphic J|^
does not agree with that of l proposed by Steindorff {Kopt. Gr., i j[)
for the Coptic::^, which corresponds to the |. The ship xoi
would be transcribed in Coptic zoi, in hieroglyphics dly, without the
difference being accounted for by any change of sound. Neither do
I agree with the recently assigned phonetic difference between
r and — H— . As early as the Pyramid Inscriptions, the signs are
sometimes used interchangeably. That this is not more general is
accounted for by the preference of the Egyptians for remaining
constant to a word-picture when once established. Still, in practice
it is sometimes more suitable to employ a vertical and sometimes a
horizontal s. Therefore in practice — and this is the origin of the
alphabetical signs — a syllabic was brought into use as a second s.
Here we have the same principle which afterwards added an / to
the ^, and a ^ to the ^z^/^. The fact of the need first becoming
pressing in the case of the letter s, is easily explained by the fact
that the i' is the letter which most frequently recurred in the
Egyptian texts.
Among the significant changes— and, as I think, improvements —
introduced by the Berlin system of transcription, is the treatment
of the so-called vowels \, '^, (|(], - — ». Here we touch a
salient point, the question of the relationship between Egyptian and
Semitic. Of the matter brought forward in defence of the
hypothesis of a connection between Egyptian and Semitic, very
little will stand the test of searching criticism, especially in the
lexicographical sphere, as has lately been shown in the lists of
Semitic and Egyptian words collected by the industry of von Calice.
As regards the suggested connection, we find on the one hand
a very close agreement, which apparently shows that we are
dealing with loan-words of the highest antiquity — for who can say
anything authentic on the early relations between the Egyptians
and the neighbouring Semites ? On the other hand, we do not find
the regular phonetic displacements and changes which the analogy
of other languages would justify us in expecting. The Semitic
influence which we will acknowledge the Egyptian language was
subjecte to, must have previously passed through many changing
210
May 13] THE TRANSLITERATIOX OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
stages. The Semitic tongues have so many points in common, that
they have also been set down as dialects of the lost original Semitic
mother-tongue, and yet have spread into regions occupied by people
speaking other languages. The Semitic Babylonians spread them-
selves over a Sumerian region, yet how insignificant are the traces
to be found in the Semitic-Babylonian language of the language of
the Sumerians, a people of a high degree of civilization ? In view
of the extraordinary vitality of the Semitic languages, it is apparent
that the prehistoric influences of Semitic on Egyptian, to judge by
the actual facts of the historical period, must have been relatively
very small. Here we must expect most from the verdict pronounced
by the students of Hamitic languages. Thus, if Egyptian, in its
original form, is far removed from Semitic — Count Schack has
recently pointed out remarkable analogies between it and Nubian —
it seems obvious to me that Egyptian must be explained by itself,
without endeavouring to stretch it upon the Procrustean bed of
categories and definitions, all derived from the Semitic grammar.
In referring, nevertheless, to the transcription of the (|, "^, [|l],
- — 0 by conventional signs (as does the Berlin system of transcrip-
tion) as an improvement, I did so upon the following considera-
tions : We know that the frame given by the consonants in
Coptic receives a different value according to the position and
quality of the vowel. The hieroglyphic writers, though aware of this
fact, used the same signs in all cases, and it is only occasionally
that they expressed the different shades [of sound?] by suffixes,
never used or written on any very consistent system. ^^ ° p ^ ,
might mean "load," or it might mean " to load." In Coptic "to load "
is corn, "the load," erna). To what vowel should the '^ corre-
spond, even if we suppose that ^represents a vowel ? At any rate, ^
has been read differently according as the group meant "load" or
"to load," and so in hundreds of cases. 4 .^^ ^ iri the Greek
period hecomQS jot ; \ ^^ ^ is read "A/(/ta'i/, auovii. What does
our knowledge of the vocalisation of P^gyptian amount to ? With
few exceptions, we discover little about it during the Greek and
Coptic periods, and the hieroglyphs were settled thousands of years
earlier. Dialectal differences must also be borne in mind. The
same group was read in Thebes pn, in Panopolis pi' ; in Thebes
the year was called pourie; in Panopolis, pAune ; in the Fayoum,
211
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903,
AAum. It will therefore recommend itself to those scholars that
hold divergent views as to the value of the phonetic signs-
H» "fe^' ^1' "^ — °' ^^ represent them, as is the case in the Berlin
system of transcription, by conventional signs. I cannot suggest
what positive and scientifically ascertained equivalents could be
arranged to represent the signs in question.
The material contained in thousands upon thousands of Greek,
Demotic, and Coptic proper names must be worked over after the
fashion set by Spiegelberg, to yield their phonetic teaching. This is
the field nearest to hand and most practicable for these researches.
This rich mine also yields the forms of the names used in the
later period. From these forms transcriptions might be constructed
for the use of popular publications.
Letter from Professor Dr. Alfred Wiedemann,
Proffessor of Egyptology at the University of Bopn.
The transcription of Egyptian appears to me to be rather a
question of practice than of scientific theoiy. Everyone who
occupies himself v.-ith the P'gyptian language to the extent of making
use of its grammar or vocabulary, must know enough of Egyptian
script to be able to read hieroglyphs for himself. Without such
knowledge, scientific work upon Egyptian is as impossible as
scientific work upon Greek or Arabic without a knowledge of their
respective scripts. Such a want can in no way be supplied by even
the most exact transcription. For scientific purposes the trans-
literation of hieroglyphs, in my opinion at least, has no value except
as a saving of money. Printing in hieroglyphs is expensive, as many
printing offices do not possess hieroglyphic type. Consequently it
is desirable to compensate for this want, and, for this purpose,
transliteration is the best method. But it is only a shift to make the
reconstruction of the hieroglyphs used by the author possible for the
reader. Hence it is sufficient to have at one's disposal conventional
characters easy to print, and immediately recalling to the scientific
worker the impression of their hieroglyphic prototypes. The most
exact method would be to use only the number which each hiero-
glyphic bears in some type-list, such as Theinhardt's. But this would
perhaps appear absurd to those who are not Egyptologists, and
would necessitate much reference to the lists.
May 13] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
Speaking generally, the old transcription, connected in the first
line with the name of Lepsius, appears to me to suitably fulfil our
'purpose. In it, only the letters with diacritical marks such as
a a h s are inconvenient, and it would be better to have the value of
these expressed by single signs, after the analogy of the translitera-
tions X ^"d 6. Letters with diacritical marks are often wanting in
printing offices, and when found there, the points quickly disappear,
either by the breaking of the type or by the characters being badly
impressed. Lastly, the transliterated a gives a wrong impression of
the quantity of this letter.
It is true that the objection might be taken to the use of vowel
signs in transliteration, that their use is erroneous in those cases
where Egyptian renders with them Semitic semi-vowels. But, on
the other hand, the transliteration of these " vowels " by the con-
ventional signs for the Semitic semi-vowels would be false in all
those cases where they are used in Egyptian to designate indubitable
vowels, as in the transcription of Greek and Roman proper names.
The Berlin transcription enhances the number of signs incom-
modious to the printer by the introduction of crotchets for the
" vowels," and thus increases the danger of a faulty impression.
Further, it is puzzling to a reader not acquainted with the Semitists'
method of transcription. And, lastly, it is based on the postulatio
that the Egyptian was a Semitic language.
This view was stated by nearly all the linguists of the older
school, and has been strongly maintained by Erman and his pupils,
but has found many adversaries among Egyptologists. It may be
disputed if Egyptian and Semitic were primitively more or less
closely allied, or how far Semitic elements are to be found in the
Egyptian grammar or lexicon. That the Egyptian in the form
known to us does not clearly belong to the very circumscribed circle
of Semitic languages, is shown by the fact that it is constantly
thought necessary to produce new proofs of its supposed Semitism.
^^'ith languages Semitic beyond all question, such as Assyrian, no
one thinks such extensive proofs necessary, the fact being evident to
every linguist. These two circumstances, the increased difficulty of
correct printing, and the attempt to pre-judge a question about
which " adhuc sub judice lis est " has been pronounced, appeal to
me strongly against the Berlin transcription.
We must certainly always bear in mind that the old transcription
does not render Egyptian exactly. But absolute exactness in the
213 p
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/flOLOGY. [1903.
written rendering of a language, especially as regards its pronuncia-
tion, is always impossible, as Naville has clearly shown in a recent
number of the Proceedings. The old transcription was a makeshift,
but of all those proposed I believe it is still the most commend-
able. If we transcribe according to this system letter by letter, we
sometimes get very curious results, because in use the Egyptians
were accustomed sometimes to omit the vowels. In these cases, it
seems advantageous to insert the e^ which is not found among the
transcribed letters, as a sign that at this place a probably spoken but
unwritten vowel appeared. The system gives no preconceived
theory as to the true pronunciation of the transcribed words, but
purports only to reproduce the written forms of the Egyptian words.
If the right pronunciation can be intimated — for instance, if the
vowels known from other sources are to be inserted — it is sufficient
to distinguish such reconstructed words by a * . In work destined
for the general reader such marks would not be necessary. These
vocalised words would be mostly proper names, the essential point
about which is, that every reader should understand what per-
sonalities are meant. Here the best way is to work, when possible,
from the Greek transcription. But in all cases it is right to change
as seldom as possible the form of such names, if even the usual form
is not quite correct, as the repeated change of proper names easily
produces mistakes among readers who are not Egyptologists. We
have a good precedent for such conservatism in Semitic names,
where we continue without cavil to use accustomed forms which are
not quite correct, because everybody knows whom they designate.
Besides, in personal proper names some technical expressions must
be taken into consideration for which other languages do not
possess equivalent words, as, for instance, the parts of the soul, the
ka, the ba, etc. But here it is sufficient to have a conventional
designation indicating to the reader the form intended, of which the
essential is not its pronunciation in ancient times, but its exact
meaning.
Under these circumstances, and principally for practical reasons,
I believe that the old transcription is the best. Notwithstanding
this opinion, I could not wish that anyone should be forced by a
scientific journal to use it, but would let everybody transcribe
according to his own principles. Debate of the different theories
will give the right and most practical one much quicker than the
attempt to enforce the same system upon all.
214
May 13] NOTES ON AN INSCRIPTION AT EL KAB. [1903
NOTES ON AN INSCRIPTION AT EL KAB.
By F. W. Green.
Professor Sayce has given in these '''' Proceedings" (Vol. XXI, 108)
a hand copy of an Old Kingdom graffito in the district of El Kab, in
which several cartouches appear, one of which he proposes to read
I I w \ ^ ^^^ !fl^ I ' ^ name hitherto unknown on the monuments,
but which he suggests may be the Soris of Manetho.
While at El Kab last year I examined the inscription on two
occasions and took six photographs of it. They are, however, not
sufficiently clear to allow of their being reproduced, and the one
shown on the accompanying Plate has had the design strengthened
with pen and ink.
The inscription, which is roughly scratched on the soft Nubian
sandstone, is much weathered, and it was only towards sunset, when
the light fell obliquely, that I was able with a long exposure to get a
satisfactory photograph of it. As may be seen from the photograph
and Professor Sayce's drawing, the inscription consists of a boat of
very archaic type (PL I) resembling those generally assigned to the
prehistoric period, the stem and stern being curved upward ; in the
bows are two curved lines which may represent the branches or
awning of the prehistoric boats, while the two vertical scratches may
be intended to represent the mast. The hawk in the bows is very
indistinct, and it was only after comparing my photograph with
the Professor's drawing that I was able to ink it in on the photo-
graph. Short rowing oars, represented by inclined scratches which
his drawing does not show, occupy the greater part of the fore part of
the boat, while at the stern are two long steering oars. Above the
boat is a rectangular cartouche surmounted by a ///; sign, on which
stand two hawks crowned with the crowns of upper and lower Egypt
respectively. Within the cartouche (PI. II, fig. i) are the signs which
215 p 2
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCFLEOLOGY. [1903.
Professor Sayce reads 1 w 1 ^\ v\ , but which I think should
be read cisz] V^ ^^l^. V = ® V "^^ V ■ ^^^'^S ^^w/zf/ of the
IVth Dynasty.
The first sign is undoubtedly i v'v 1 : then comes a bird which
Professor Sayce reads ^\ , but which I think is a badly or
ignorantly drawn v^ ; next comes an almost obliterated a^^^ ,
which Professor Sayce represents as -^s>- ; lastly is another bird
whose long legs Professor Sayce has taken for the final v\ , while
the body makes his <rz> , but I think that the photograph shows
that we have only one sign, viz. : v\ .
In front of the boat is another cartouche (PI. II, fig. 2), sur-
mounted by the n^ sign and two hawks ; here the name, though
much weathered, is that of H-ivfiv, as Professor Sayce says, but the
^ is indicated by two curved lines, and I fancy that the scribe
intended to write 1 \\ 1 as before.
The third, and isolated cartouche (PI. II, fig. 3), does not appear
on the photograph, nor does Professor Sayce give a drawing of it, but
he reads it ® ^^ a^.-^ ^^ , and so far as to the king being IJwfw^ I
agree with him, but, as may be seen from drawing 3, the first sign is
rTv-i and not ©.
As these three drawings were made on an occasion other than
that on which I took the photograph, they are practically in-
dependent evidence, as the lighting was rather different.
Professor Sayce in a letter to me urges as one objection to my
reading, that the change of 1 w 1 for ^ occurs only in Graeco-
Roman times,^ but I think it more likely that we have an example of
local pronunciation, or a clerical error, perhaps arising from some
confusion of the hieratic of the period, rather than that we have the
unique monument of a king only otherwise known from a (Ireek
transcription.
May not some similar error have given rise to the various forms
of Hwfui's name, such as Kheops and Saophis? {si . 7C' ./. w . ?)
* See also Sethe's Vcrbit/it, Vol. I, §255, 2.
216
PLATE I.
Proc. Soc. Bib/. Arch., May, 1903.
;^^
pa
.s
l-J "^
o
O <u
< .^
o
Fvoc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1903.
PLATE II.
May 13] THE SEKHEMET STATUES. [1903-
THE SEKHEMETi STATUES
OF THE
TEMPLE OF MUT AT KARNAK.
BY
Percy E. Newberry.
Arranged around the Outer Court, the Colonnaded Court, and
the Western Corridor, of the Temple of Mut at Karnak are many
statues of the Goddess Sekhemet. They are all sculptured from
one material — black granite, and represent the goddess seated
upon the usual ]]-throne. The heads of some of the statues are
sculptured with great vigour, though the body and limbs are often
not so well executed. One remarkable head, of much larger size than
the rest, was discovered by Miss Benson and Miss Gourlay during
their excavations on the temple site a few years ago, and a photo-
graph of it is published in their book on the Temple (PI. X, p. 122).
In the same work is given a photograph (PI. XIX, p. 248) of one of
the many Sekhemet statues dedicated by Shashanq I. By far the
greater number of these statues, however, were dedicated by
Amenhetep III. The inscriptions give the prenomen and nomen
of the king, stating that he was beloved by Sekhemet, mistress of
some locality, or with some special attributes. (For a specimen
inscription, see The Temple of Mut, p. 369.) In 1898 I made
copies of the names of these localities, efr., on the statues still
standing in the temple, and since then I have been collecting the
inscriptions on the figures of Sekhemet from the temple, which have
found their way to many of the principal European collections. In
^ The name of this goddess was formerly transliterated " Sekhet " ; for th;
correct reading, "Sekhemet," see Erman in A.Z., XXIX.
217
May 13] SOCIETY OF HII5LICAL ARCII/EOLOGY.
[1903-
the following list I have arranged these inscriptions in alphabetical
order, and give them in the hope that they may be of interest to
students of Egyptian religion and mythology.
D ^
O I
4. y Louvre.
Vatican, No. 26.
Karnak.
Turin Mus.
, \ \ i ^
D ^ I Karnak.
). Y iii ' "^^^ Karnak.
-1;
Turin Mus.
^'
I Luxor Hotel Garden.
Karnak.
Brit. Mus.
Karnak.
218
^lAV 13] THE SEKHEMET STATUES. [1903.
'5- Y ^ Karnak.
he. ^ Jl III
'5- ^!TOI^® '^•™-^''-
■°- Y ^I'li^ Brugsch, Bid. Geogr., T I.
21
Y Tv / k\ ' A*^ Karnak.
2 2. Y~ ^ -^^^O^ Karnak,
^ ^
/\A/\AAA
24. fl ® ^^--^ %\ i^ ^ Karnak.
26. ^ ® ^^^ "1^ %\ ^ Brugsch, D/a. GeogK, 71.
28. ^ ® ^^^ =^ C" O Karnak.
m e^ i^ e^ O
29. <> (I ® . Amherst Coll.
30. V n Karnak.
219
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
'^■•^ITra^a ""••'^"^-
jj. Y II II II Karnak
C^ Cli
35. Y lurin Mu5.
A Ci i:^ ^^ ©
38. ^®^.e_1K S
Amherst Coll.
39- ^ . . _ ^ io ^''™''^'
n ® v^^^-ii 1 tv
40. V V\ I v\® Vatican, No. 147.
42. ^ ■^5^==' Karnak.
^•i
£Zi <0 Ci
43- y I^^.^i' Karnak.
c^ ci
XL® 4 ®.Q 0 ^"^^ ,^
44- Y X ^i>^ ir Karnak.
A ^i JP^ 1 ®
46. 'ft ® 8 ^ "^ "^^^^ Karnak.
May 13] THE SEKHEMET STATUES. [1903.
48. ft^<i>^=^ ^ f Brit. Mus.
50. Y '^ll Karnak.
51- Y o ^ A \ Karnak.
52. ^ <=>^ p .^^ Karnak.
Karnak.
54. ^^1 " M^H Karnak.
55. Y '=' K^ (J AA/wNA Karnak.
1 '=> _M^ 1 o
5«- f!/W\^|^-^ Karnak.
57- Y S=?l l-^ Vatican, No. -^S.
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1903.
I'OSTU.MUS, PREFECT OF EGYPT.
Bv Dr. Samuel Krauss.
Postumus, the Prefect of Egypt, a.d. 45-47, is mentioned, and
fresh information regarding him given, by Mr. Seymour de Ricci in
these Proceedings, XXIV, 58. But he appears further in a source
unsuspected by students of classical antiquity. In one of the
Mishna, remarkable alike for its historical contents and for its
monumental style, and to be found again, according to Schiirer
{Gesch. des jiid. Volkes, 3d ed., I, 692), almost word for word in
Jerome, the following sentence is to be read: "On the 17th of
Thammuz Postumus burned the Thora" {Thaanith iv, 6). I
give the form ' Postumus ' and not ' Apostumus,' because, although
Dl^^luDDICh^ is the common reading, D1?;2"1t2D1C h^s good support
in the jNIunich MS., and even were that not so, we should merely
have here the prosthetic a, familiar in many Greek and Latin words
met with in the Rabbinic idiom.
This important sentence from the Alishna has hitherto lacked
explanation, the person of Postumus having been unknown. He is
not named in connection with the Jews either by Flavius Josephus
or by any other writer, and we are thus wholly dependent upon the
Mishna and kindred documents {/enisak7>i Talmud, Thaanith 68*^';
Yalkut II, Regum ^^ 250). So small is the Talmudists' acquaintance
with him, that it is disputed whether he lived in the time of the
first or of the second temple. Nor have modern enquirers been
more successful ; they content themselves with vague suppositions.
I will here give the literature of the subject, mentioning only those
results which seem worthy of notice : —
J. Schwarz, Das Jicil. Laud, 279, l*"rankf. a. M., 1852, recalls the
incident under Curnanus,' when a Roman soldier tore up a scroll of
' Cf. Deienbovug, Essai siir r/tistoirc d<: la ralcstiitL, 59.
222
May 13] POSTUMUS, PREFECT OF EGYPT. [1903.
the law (v. Schiirer, /.c, 569). C/. Rapoport in Kobak's Jeshurun,
I, 45, and in Erech Milliti^ 181; also N. Briill in \\\% Jahrbiicher,
VIII, 9. Halberstam, in Rev. des et. juives, II, 128, is of opinion
that the reference is to the general Julius Severus, also called
Faustinus. This would be in the time of Bar-Cochba, to which
period L. Low, in Ben-Chanania, VI, 925, likewise assigns it.
Graetz, on the other hand, places him in the age of the Maccabees ~
{Gesc/i. der Jude?i, II-, 314); so too Hochstadter {Rev., Lc.\ who
reads DlIDIlZDICh^, 'Apostate,' and sees therein the high priest
Alcimus. The same reading is adopted by Schlatter, Zur Gesch. u.
Topogi: Falasfi/ias, 36, note i, without any knowledge of his
predecessor's view. This scholar elsewhere {Die Tage Trajans u.
Hadrians, 24, Giitersloh, 1S97) expresses the opinion that the
'apostate' here is the well-known Elisha b. Abuia — an opinion,
liowever, already refuted {Rev., XXXVI, 199). The talmudic
lexicons of Levy, I, 138, and Kohut, I, 222, content themselves
with a meaningless Postuvnis. I myself, in my Griech. u. Lat.
Lehnworter ivi Talmud, etc., II, 101, 600, have left the question
undecided.
^^et I think the person mentioned by the MisJma is to be
recognized in C. Julius Postumus. The editors of the Prosopographia
Imp. Romani, II, 208, suspect the identity of the Julius Postumus,
who occurs in Tacitus, Ann., IV, 12, with that of the later Prefect
of Egypt. This Postumus, however, is connected with Seianus, one
of the bitterest enemies of the Jews ; it would be scarcely wonderful,
therefore, if Postumus too should seek to injure them. Whether he
adopted such a policy with the numerous Jews in his province we
do not know. AVe find him mentioned in the great inscription of
Tiberius Julius Alexander {C.I.G., III, No. 4957, 1. 27, a'? o Qe'cv
KXai'ciov typayyci' Fl offTo'/df), himself Procurator of Judaea a. d. 46-48,
Prefect of Egypt, 68-69, and who appears in Titus' camp before
Jerusalem in 70 — a total period of over 30 years. So too Postumus
who was Prefect in 47, might be still holding office about the year
70, especially as the family of the Postumi was one of eminence.
Unfortunately there is no record of his having been in Palestine ;
that must be inferred from the Mis/ina.
Perhaps the deed of which he is accused is capable of closer
definition. According to one view, found in the Jerusalem Talmud,
' Jastrow, A Diet, of the Targiiinim, etc., loi, would read anoaroXos and
refer it to an officer of Epiphanes.
22^
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [190;,.
the burning of the Thora took place upon the bridge at Lydda
(Diospolis) ; according to another, on the bridge at Tarlusa.^ The
latter place still requires identification ; but Lydda is well known.
In the spring of 68 Vespasian started from Casaerea and came,
among other places, to Lydda (Josephus, B.J., IV, 8, i, §444, ed.
Niese). This may still have been in the month of Thammuz. Here
then Postumus may have permitted himself the burning of a Thora
scroll. How ill the Jews would take this we know from the cases
under Antiochus Epiphanes and Cumanus, and may thus account
for its careful record. It should be, however, observed that only
this one act of Postumus is recorded ; the next sentence in the
Mishna — where l^i^lHT as Passive is the right reading — ascribes
the erection of the statues, presumably Hadrian's, to another.
* The suggestion that Arethusa is intended is revoked by Schlatter ('J'agc
Trajajis, 24, note 2).
224
May 13] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION
IN ROMAN GALATIA.
Bv E. J. PiLCHER.
Nearly two hundred and fifty years ago, the ItaUan antiquarian
Falconeri drew the attention of the learned world to the series of
large brass coins issued in the third century of the Christian era by
the magistrates of the town of Apameia Cibotus, in Asia Minor.
These pieces of money distinguish themselves from the other pagan
issues of the period, by bearing as a reverse type a design which is
evidently intended to commemorate the Deluge of Noah. This
design contains four human figures ; but it seems that they are
intended to pourtray two incidents in the same story, in accordance
with the customary conventional treatment of such subjects in
antiquity. Upon the right hand side of the coin is a male and
female couple seated within a coffer, floating on the water. Upon
the left hand, the same couple stand upright upon dry land, with
their hands raised in an attitude of devotion. Above the figures are
two birds ; one of which is perched upon the coffer, while the other
flies aloft with an olive branch in its claws. To complete and
explain the scene, the word NX2€ appears in large letters upon the
front of the coffer. {See Plate.)
These remarkable pieces were struck in the reigns of three
different Roman Emperors, namely, Septimius Severus, who held the
empire from a.d. 193 to a.d. 211; Macrinus (217-218), and
Philip I (244-249) ; and the three issues may be thus described : —
Fig. I. .f:i Obverse. AYT KACeHT C60YHP0C
***TI (Autocrator Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pertinax).
Bust of Septimius Severus to the right, laureated, with military cloak
and cuirass.
Reverse: CHI ArnNO0€TOY APT€MA T. (By
authority of the President of the Games, Artemas the third.) In
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
exergue AflAMCnN (of the Apameians). Design as already
described.
This specimen was formerly in the collection of Louis XIV of
France, and is now in the Cabinet des Mcdailles at Paris.
Fig. 2. .F:i Obverse: AYT K M OHGA C€OY
MAKP6INOC C€BA (Autocrator Ccesar Marcus Opelius
iMacrinus Sebastos). Bust of Macrinus to the right, laureated, with
military cloak and cuirass.
Reverse : In exergue AHAMCriN (of the Apameians).
Same design.
This specimen appears to be unique. It was formerly in the
Viennese Academy of the Society of Jesus ; and is now in the
Imperial Cabinet of Coins and Antiques at Vienna.
Fig. 3. -F:^ Obverse: AYT K lOYA <l>IAinnOC AYF
(Autocrator Csesar Julius Philippus Augustus). Bust of Philip the
Elder to the right, laureated, with military cloak and cuirass.
Reverse: €n M AYP AA6EANAPOY B APXI
AnAM€f2N. (By authority of Marcus Aurelius Alexander, the
younger. Chief Priest. Of the Apameians.) Same design.
This specimen is now in the British Museum, having been
presented to that institution in 1S49 by Mr. Doubleday. '\\\Qfian
may be genuine ; but the whole design upon both sides has been
re-tooled by some artist in later times. There are several copies of
the coin in existence, some at least having obviously been cast.
Ottavio Falconeri first described the piece in 1668, from an example
in the collection of the Grand Duke of Florence ; but Prof. Gori,
Keeper of the Grand Ducal Coins, demonstrated it to be a cast
fabrication. At the same period other copies, worse executed,
existed in the cabinets of Cardinal Ottoboni and Prince Chigi.
Fig. 4. ^1 Obverse: .***. K- IOYA-<t>IA-***** ***.
Bust of Philip the Elder to the right.
Reverse: EH MAYP AA€ZANAPOYBAPXI • AHA-
MCriN. Same design ; but the name on the coffer is indistinct,
only the N and a faint trace of the 12 showing.
This is a genuine untouched specimen, from the Whittall collec-
tion, and is now in the British Museum. Although badly oxidised,
the principal features can be made out : and it is figured here to
226
Proc. Soc. Bill. Arch., May, 1903.
II
III
IV
\ ^
Bronze Coins of Apameia Cibotus.
May 13] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
show that the preceding example is an intelligent restoration of an
ancient coin.
The types upon autonomous coins usually bear reference to the
ancient history of the locality, or the myth of its foundation ; but
Apameia Cibotus was not a place of any antiquity, for it was not
Imilt until the reign of Antiochus Soter (280-261 B.C.). In the
vicinity formerly stood the town of Cetenae, which was at one time
the capital city of Phrygia ; and was mentioned by Xenophon
{Anab., I, ii, 7) as a residence of Cyrus the Younger. Antiochus I,
however, removed the inhabitants to a new site, which he named
Apameia, after his Persian mother Apama. To distinguish it from
other localities of the same name, the Phrygian town was styled
W-Tra/Liein y K(j3(ct6^-. The word Kihotos, or coffer, is used in the
Septuagint, the New Testament, and the Sibylline Oracles, for the
Ark of Noah. It does not appear to have been used as an epithet
of the city before the time of Strabo (XII, 569), who is followed by
Ptolemy and Pliny. Apameia Cibotus became a very flourishing
place. It continued in importance during the period of the Roman
Empire ; but afterwards declined, and it disappeared so completely
that its very site was forgotten until 1834, when it was rediscovered
by Mr. Arundell near the modern Turkish village of Dineir.
The Noah type upon the coins of Apameia may, however, appear
less mysterious if we remember that Asia Minor possessed a large
Jewish population, settled there by the Seleucid kings. This part of
the world had been conquered by Cyrus the Great, and organised
by Darius Hystaspes into the three satrapies of Cappadocia, Sparda,
and Ionia, as we learn by the inscriptions of that monarch at
Behistun and Naksh-i-Rustam. That the district was still known as
Sparda by the Babylonians in b.c. 275, is evidenced by the astro-
nomical tablet published by Dr. Epping and Dr. Strassmaier in the
Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, Vol. VI, p. 235, which states that in the
37th year of Antiochus and Seleucus the kings, upon the 9th day of
the month Adar, the governor of Chaldea, and an officer of the king,
who had gone to the country of Sparda, returned to the royal city of
Seleucia which lay upon the Tigris.^ Greek history informs us that
at this particular time Antiochus I was campaigning in Galatia ; and
it was his signal victories over the Galatians, which swept back the
' " The ' Higher Criticism ' and the Verdict of the Monuments," by the Rev.
A. H. Sayce. London, 1894, p. 483.
2 2 7
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
Gallic invasion of Asia Minor, and earned him his title of Soter, or
Saviour, from his grateful subjects. Thus there can be no doubt as
to the position of the district of Sparda ; and the Sephared ("TICD)
of Obadiah 20 has at last been identified.
It was not, however, until the reign of Antiochus (III) the Great
(223-187 B.C.) that a Jewish population was introduced into Asia
Minor. Josephus - has preserved the copy of an edict by
Antiochus III to Zeuxis, the satrap of Lydia, ordering him to
receive two thousand Jewish families, who had been removed i.om
Mesopotamia and Babylonia, and to settle them in Lydia and
Phrygia. Josephus is not very clear about the date of this
document, but it appears to have been shortly after i*y'8 b.c. We
know from Polybius (XVI, i, 24) that Zeuxis was in possession of
the Satrapy of Lydia in 201 B.C., for in that year he supplied the
army of Philip V of Macedon with a quantity of corn, to assist them
in the war against Attalus II, king of Pergamus. In 198 n.c.
Antiochus the Great defeated the Egyptian general Scopas at the
battle of Paneas, and conquered the whole of Palestine, his advance
being greatly facilitated by the assistance of the Jewish population.
It therefore seems most probable that the edict of Antiochus to
Zeuxis was promulgated about this period, when the king had the
greatest confidence in the Jews, as proved adherents to his cause.
The decree made liberal provision for the comfort of the immigrants
upon their arrival in Lydia and Phrygia. Each family was to be
provided with a portion of land for husbandry and viticulture ; and
also with a sufficient quantity of corn to support it until after the
harvest. The Jews were to be allowed to live according to their
own customs, and they were exempted from all taxes for a period of
ten years. With such generous treatment, it was to be expected
that the Jewish settlers would succeed very well in their new homes :
and when we obtain our next glimpse of them a hundred and fifty
years later, they appear to have become numerous and wealthy.
We owe this glimpse to one of the incidents of Roman party
])olitics. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, a young patrician, having been
instrumental in suppressing the Catiline conspiracy, was appointed
governor of the province of Asia, in which capacity he acted with
great ability. On his return to Rome, however, his political ad-
versaries attempted to get up a case against him ; and in 59 B.C.
* Aiitiq., XII, iii, 4.
228
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
Fifth Meeting, lot/i June, 1903.
Prof. A. H. SAYCE, LL.D., &'c. {President),
IN THE CHAIR.
^^-
The Council regrets to have to announce the
Society's loss of two of its oldest Members by the
death in May, 1903, of Mrs. Burton-Alexander,
and of Ernst de Bunsen.
[No. cxci.] 235
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From Prof. I. Guidi. "Three Letters of Philoxenus," by
A. A. Vaschalde.
From the Author. " On traces of an Indefinite Article in
Assyrian," by R. Campbell Thompson, M.A,
From. F. Legge. Encyclopaedia Biblica. Vol. IV.
From the Author. " Die Somali-sprache," by Leo von Reinisch.
The following Candidate for Membership was elected :-
A. Cowley, M.A., Magdalen College, Oxford.
The following Papers were read : —
Prof. A. H. Sayce. Recent Discoveries in Egypt.
Sir H. H. Howorth. The god Asshur and the Epic of Marduk
and the Dragon.
The Secretary exhibited the "boss" with an inscription of
Tarkondemos.
A discussion followed these Papers, in which Mr. Newberry,
Dr. Pinches, Sir H. Howorth, Mr. Rylands, and the Chairman
took part.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
236
June io] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD,
By Prof. Edouard Naville, B.C.L., etc.
( Coiititiued from page 172.
CHAPTER CLHlB.
The Chapter of escaping from the catchers offish.
0 ye snarers (?). O ye fowlers, O ye fishers, sons of their fathers,
know ye (i) what I do know, the name of this very great net : the
embracer is its name.
Know ye what I do know, the name of its cordage : the bonds
of Isis.
Know ye what I do know, the name of its stake : the thigh of
Tmu.
Know ye what I do know, the name of the fork : the finger of
Nemu.
Know ye what I do know, the name of its point : the nail of Ptah.
Know ye what I do know, the name of its blade: the knife of Isis.
Know ye what I do know, the name of its weight : the iron
which is in the sky.
Know ye what I do know, the name of its flowers (2) : the
feathers of the hawk.
Know ye what I do know, the name of the fisherman : the
cynocephalus.
Know ye what I do know, the name of the ground (3), where
are its limits : the house of the moon.
Know ye what I do know, the name of him who fishes there :
the great prince who sits on the east of the sky (4).
1 am Ra, (5) who proceedeth from Nu, and my soul is divine.
I am he who produceth food, but I execrate what is wrong.
237 R 2
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
I am Osiris, the possessor of Maat, and I subsist by means of it
every day.
I am the eternal one, hke the bull. (6) I am feared by the cycle
of the gods in my name of the eternal one.
I am self-originating, together with Nu, in my name of Chepera,
from whom I am born daily.
I am the lord of Daylight, and I shine like Ra : he gives me life
in these his risings in the East.
I come to heaven, I take hold of my place in the East.
The children of the great god nourish him to whom they have
given birth, with sacred offerings.
I eat like Shu. I ease myself like Shu. The king of Egypt
(Osiris) is present. Khonsu and Thoth (7) their laws are within
me. They impart warmth (8) to the heavenly host.
Notes.
This Chapter is found only in two papyri : Paris, III, 93, and
the Papyrus of Nii. Both of them are, in. some parts, very incorrect.
The Paris document here and there omits a line ; I had to use
them both for the translation.
The first part of the Chapter is only a nomenclature of the various
parts of the net, very similar to 153A.
The vignette represents a drag-net drawn by three dog-headed
apes.
1. M v>. -wwvx ^ *^ . I believe there is a slight difference
of meaning between this old participial form, and the usual (J Vi>
/«w>/^ ^ . I consider that the first form means : do you know
well ? are you certain to know ? or do you pretend to know ?
2. I ^ \^ "^I- I suppose this word means the papyrus
flowers which are sometimes tied to the net. (Bergmann, H.I.,
V- 53.)
3. \ where we had in 153A. I'V' ji's.
4. Here the discrepancies between the two texts are so great,
that I do not venture to give a translation.
5. The following lines are an abridged recension of chapter 85,
where I repeat Renouf's translation.
238
June io] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
6. The bull of Amenta, Osiris, as he is called in the first chapter
(see note 5, Chapter I).
7- P ' y ^/) Thoth, the god of fl'^n cyJULO^n Hermopolis.
(Brugsch, Did. SuppL, p. 927, Diet. Geog., p. 749.)
8. «cii>jj| , litt. warmth, means probably a moral quality. In
the Canopus inscription ^!>^ *=^^^^^ ! JL corresponds to the Greek
KtjCel-lOVlKUl'i.
CHAPTER CLIV.
The Chapter of not lettitig the body decay ( i ) i7i the Netherivorld.
Hail to thee, my father Osiris. I have come to embalm thee.
Do thou embalm this flesh of mine, for I am perfect like my father
Chepera, who is my image, he who does not know corruption.
Come, take hold of my breath of life, lord of the breath, lofty
above his equals ; vivify (2) me, build me up, thou lord of the
funeral chest.
Grant me to go down into the land of eternity, as thou doest
when thou art with thy father Tmu, he whose body never decays,
he who does not know destruction.
I have not done what thou hatest, the command (which I obey)
is that which thy ka loveth, (5) I have not transgressed it.
I have been delivered, being thy follower, O Tmu, from the
rottenness which thou allowest to come over every god, every
goddess, every animal, every creeping thing which is corruptible.
After his soul has departed he dies. (4) and when it has gone
down he decays ; he is all corruption ; all his bones are rottenness,
putrefaction (5) seizes his limbs and makes his bones break down,
his flesh becomes a fetid liquid, his breath is stink, he becomes a
multitude of worms.
(As for me) there are no worms (6). He is impotent whoever
has lost the eye of Shu (7) among all gods and goddesses, all
birds and fishes, all snakes and worms, all animals altogether, for
I cause them to crawl before me, they recognise me and the fear of
me prevails over them, and behold every being is alike dead among
all animals, all birds, all fishes, all snakes, all worms, their life is
like death.
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
Let there be no food for the worms all of them. Let them not
come to me when they are born, I shall not be handed over to the
destroyer in his cover, who destroys the limbs, the hidden one who
causes corruption, who cuts to pieces (8) many dead bodies, who
lives from destroying.
He lives who performs his commands, but I have not been
delivered into his fingers, he has not prevailed upon me, for I am
under thy command, lord of the gods.
Hail to thee, my father Osiris ! thy limbs are lasting, thou dost
not know corruption ; there are no worms with thee, thou art not
repugnant, thou dost not stink, thou dost not putrefy, thou wilt not
become worms.
I am Chepera, my limbs are lasting for ever. I do not know
corruption. I do not rot, I do not putrefy, I do not become worms.
I do not lose the eye of Shu.
I am, I am, I live, I live, I grow, I grow, and when I shall awake
in peace, I shall not be in corruption, I shall not be destroyed in
my bandages. I shall be free of pestilence, my eye will not be
corrupted, my skin (?) will not disappear. My ear will not be
deaf, my head will not be taken away from my neck, my tongue will
not be torn away, my hair will not be cut otf, my eyebrows shall not
be shaven off. No grievous harm shall come upon me, my body
is firm, it shall not be destroyed. It shall not perish in this earth
for ever.
Notes.
This Chapter is not frequently met with in the papyri ; it was
written on the wrappings and the bandages of the dead ; for instance,
on the funeral cloth of King Thothmes HI, where it is not complete.
This Chapter is interesting, as it shows how repulsive to the Egyp-
tians was the idea of corruption, of the decay of the body, which is
described here in most realistic terms. This is one of the reasons
why they gave such importance to mummification.
Parts of this Chapter are very obscure. The translation has been
made from the text on the mummy cloth of Thothmes HI, supple-
mented by the Papyrus of N21.
The only vignette we have is that of the 'J'urin Papyrus, showing
a mummy lying on the bed, and illumined by the rays of the sun.
240
luNE lo] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
1. [1(1 ^^^^, "to pass away, lo disappear through corruption
or decay." Sometimes it seems to have an active sense : to let some-
thing pass away, to lose it.
2. nn^ , n is generally translated "firm, stable, abiding"
(Chap. I, note 9), but I believe in most cases it has another sense :
"to vivify, to impart the breath of life," as one may judge from the
title of Chapter 182, which mentions two acts, one of which is the
consequence of the other, ^AAAA/^ Tf jf (J [1 <=i rj _^ ^ a >yJ
v\ \\ AAAAAA ^^^^ „ 0/1 ■ " *^^ book of vivifying Osiris, giving breath
to him whose heart is motionless."
In the mythological or celestial geography uH is the East
iA II ®
(PI. IV). There life originates ; there also the deceased inhales the
breath of life (Chapter 57, p. no; Naville, Todf., Einl., p. 28).
3. See Sp/ii/ix, V, p. 199.
I
,^^ >.^. ,x^. ^ • I consider
as being here the adverb afterwards. His soul goes out, and after-
wards he dies, it goes down and afterwards he decays.
^- P^.^^11^^' ^'"- ^^^ destroyers; the word
occurs again further on : the destroyer who is in his bush(?) or cover,
the hidden one. It is evidently a metaphor, for the sense is
obvious ; it is putrefaction. The word in the Turin papyrus
I ^ ^(j[J O^j litt. locks, might apply to the vegetation or
the excrescences which are often the sign of putrefaction.
6. ,^ ^ ^?\ I ^'^ . The passage is very obscure.
I believe the drift of the idea is this : after having described very
thoroughly what corruption is, the deceased says : as for me I am
protected against those evils. Even should every being fall into
corruption, having lost the eye of Shu, it is nothing to me, because I
am feared by all.
I "worms do not exist." ^ " is explained
by two passages. At Abydos the priest says to the god (Mar.,
Abydos, I, p. 34) Q .^^^ i^^ ''^ M .^^^ \ 1
Jl I i^ i:^ I I I /WWNA Ji I 1
241
^JpcCT
Tune io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
"I have come to perform the ceremonies, for I have not come to do
nothing, I have not come in vain." In the poem of Pentaur, when
Rameses II, addressing Amen, recalls all he has done to honour the
god, he says: ^ ^ ^ j ^^ f) (] ^ f J %.^[M
^ _j\ ^^ '. " is it nothing, this thy terrace which I built for thee ? "
7. The eye of Shu is either an amulet or a magic power residing
in some part of the body, which prevents it from becoming worms.
It is the defence against corruption. Further the deceased says :
" I do not become worms ; I do not lose the eye of Shu."
8. Litt. ploughs into dead bodies.
{To be coutimied^
242
PLATE I,V.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter 153K. Louvre, III, 93,
Chapter 154. Lepsius, " Todt
Chapters 151, 155, 156. Louvre, III, 89.
JuNF, lo] LE VAUTOUR ET LA CHATTE. [1903.
LE PROCES DU VAUTOUR ET DE LA CHATTE
DEVANT LE SOLEIL.
Par le Prof. Dr. E. Revillout.
Deja en 1880, du vivant de men excellent ami Mr. Birch, notre
venere President et Fondateur, j'ai lu a la Societe' des extraits des
entretiens philosophiques de la chatte ethiopienne et du petit chacal-
singe — ou chacal Koufi ; et j'en ai public d'autres dans ma Revue
egyptologique. Aujourd'hui je veux lui donner la primeur d'un nouveau
morceau tres interessant, par lequel debute presque actuellement le
meme livre ; morceau dont le texte est malheureusement en assez
mauvais etat dans Foriginal, mais peut etre assez facilement retabli.
II s'agit du grand probleme des fins dernieres. C'est ici le
Koufi qui parle :
" Tu dis, o chatte, que tu as fait de constants efforts vers la
vertu, et que la destinee (shai) t'a sauvee de tout mal ; tu as regu et
accepte les infortunes de ce monde pour honorer tons les bons
ordres divins. Celui qui fait tort, ou lui fera tort. Fera tort au
malfaiteur, celui sur lequel repose le monde. Belle, dis tu, est la
destinee qu'on me prepare."
Tu ajoutes : " Les chacals qui ont detruit ses chairs (d'un animal
precedement nomme) parviendront au lieu de chatiments. II court
(I'animal sacrifie) en ce lieu de verite ou est le chatiment et ou on
lui fera I'ombre de protection, parcequ'ils (les chacals) ont medite
d'en faire nourriture."
" Eh bien ! ecoute la, madame, cette histoire que je vais dire
devant toi.
" II y avait un vautour ne dans les pierres de la montagne. II y
avait une chatte nee dans les trous d'un colline. II arriva que le
vautour emporta les enfants de la chatte, comma nourriture, a ses
petits, sans qu'elle (la chatte) eut fait tort au vautour. La chatte
etait sortie dehors lors du massacre que le vautour avait fait de ses
enfants. EUe ne sut pas ce qui avait arrive."
2 4.>
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [190J.
Ici se trouve un assez long passage tres lacuneux, dans lequel on
voit cependant nientionner, a plusieurs reprises, la chatte, le vautour,
les enfants de la chatte, et la retribution qui etait demandee pour la
meurtre. Les deux parties comparurent devant le soleil (le dieu Ra),
en presence duquel ils plaiderent leur cause. Le texte recommence
a devenir intelligible au milieu du plaidoyer du vautour :
" Je me dis : ici regne la disette, en sorte que ma gorge est
dessechee. La chatte est sortie , que j'aille tuer ses
enfants. lis feront ma nourriture ainsi que celle de mes petits. La
destruction viendra a ma famille, ou elle frapera la vie de la chatte.
II n'y a pas d'autre alternative i)our moi et pour elle ! "
Apres avoir ainsi fait part des reflexions qui I'avaient inspire, le
vautour expose ce resume de Taffaire devant les yeux du soleil :
" La chatte est sortie en desirant de la nourriture pour ses petits.
II en est semblablement du vautour."
" La chatte, de son cote, voulut exiger la retribution {toobe)
c'est-a-dire la punition du coupable. Elle tourna sa face pour prier
devant le soleil, en disant : ' tu connais mon malheur ; est venu le
vautour pour faire massacre de mes enfants, apres I'etablissement de
tes bons ordres ' (c'est-a-dire malgre les bons commandements
donnes par toi). Elle les avait entendus. ' Sa voix, est elle
preferable a la mienne ? Je viens te demander de faire parvenir
la retribution au vautour, puisqu'il a fait massacre de mes enfants.'
" Parla ainsi la chatte pour obtenir la retribution (la punition)
relativement au domaine que la destinee lui avait fixe et qui avait
e'te viole par le vautour."
C'etait done un proces tant au civil qu'on crimmel qui etait
entrepris par la chatte contre le vautour. La solution ne se fit pas
attendre, et ce fut la destinee {shai) qui intervint alors, bien plus
encore que le dieu Ra. On lit, en effet, apres les phrases que nous
venons de reproduire :
" II (Ra) lui ordonna (au destin, au s]iai) de rctribuer le vautour
pour I'equivalence de ce qui etait du a la chatte. Mais cela fut
ordonne par le destin (s/iai), devant le soleil, que la chatte retjut
partage en similitude du vautour, parcequ'il (s/iai) avait pris dans
sa bouche cin(| petits lezards qu'elle avait saisis pour en faire la
nourriture de ses enfants : elle transportait ceite chair dans sa
bouche ; car grand etait le desir tres ardent de devorer des chairs
qui s'etait allume en elle- — sans (ju'elle put remplir les ordres de Ra.
La vautour aussi toniba. 11 trebucha dans le peche, parceque ses
244
June io] LE VAUTOUR ET LA CHATTE. [1903.
petits avaient faim. II ignorait meme qu'il etait dans le domaine de
la chatte, si proche du domaine du vautour. " Quoi ? Que feras
tu, O Soleil ? " conclut le destin {shai).
" Apres ce requisitoire du s/mi — procureur general de la cour
supreme — le dieu Ra rendit son arret en ces termes :
" Le soleil dit : Comme tout etre desire une nourriture, je
pardonne le mefait du vautour, jusqu'a ce que d'autres massacrent
ses petits, dans une ardeur semblable."
Le Koufi, en vient plus loin a peindre cette lutte pour la vie, ce
" stri4ggle for life" que regie \efatiim (le shai) comme il regie toutes
choses. Tous les etres s'entremangent et doivent s'entremanger.
J'ai lu deja autrefois a la Socie'te toute cette page fort interessante
amenant a la conclusion :
" II n'y a point de parole ou de chose, si ce n'est celle que fait
le dieu, qu'il prononce dans la nuit.
" Celui qui fait le bien (parole bonne ou chose bonne) il se
retourne pour lui en mal (parole mauvaise ou chose mauvaise).
Cela apres cela.
" Qu'en adviendra-t-il pour le meutre?
" Le lion; le serref^ lui fait violence. On le laisse-prier les
dieux . . .
" Est ce que tu ne sais pas que le serref, c'est le roi terrible de
quiconque est sur le monde, celui la. La retribution, il n'y a pas
de retributeur pour la lui retribuer. Son nez est celui du faucon, son
ceil est celui de I'homme, ses flancs ceux du lion, ses oreilles celles
du , ses ecailles celles de la tortue de mer, sa queue
celle du serpent."
" Quel souffle (quel etre anime) existant sur le monde pourra etre
de sa sorte, quand il frappe ! Qui done au monde est en similitude?"
" La mort est la retribution. C'est la reine terrible de quiconque
est sur le monde encore, celle la."
"Tu sais cela: Celui qui tue, on le tuera ; Celui qui ordonne de
tuer, on le tuera aussi."
"II vaut mieux que je dise ces paroles sur devant toi, pour faire
parvenir ceci en ton coeur, qu'il n'y a aucune chose qui pourra
ecarter le dieu, le soleil, le disque sublime, la retribution venant
de Dieu."
^ Ou sefer, animal fantastique, le dragon aile des egyptiens, comparable au
griffon ou au rock des Arabes.
245
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
— On dit : " Je suis petit de taille devant le soleil, et il me voit.
Comme est sa vue sur moi, de meme, son flair, son audition
Qui done au monde lui echappe encore? II voit ce qui est dans
I'oeuf."
" — II en est ainsi, et celui qui mange un ojuf est comme celui
qui tue."
" Non ! leur priere ne restera pas apres eux encore ; meme si je
me transporte dans la bonne demeure (le tombeau) pour les y voir.
Leur priere pour leur protection — au sujet du sang des victimes
qu'on a tuees — on ne la fera pas parvenir devant Ra ! "
" — On dit : ' lis meurent. On recherchera leur os, pour leur
donner le repos. lis resusciteront apres la mort qui leur a ete
infligee. lis demandent la protection des dieux et des hommes
pour leur sang : '
" — C'est pour calmer leur caur ; car si je parle de la retribution
de la vengeance, de cette retribution qui accomplit leur supplica-
tion pour qu'on leur fasse protection, ou pour qu'on fasse disparaitre
les (coupables), je ne dis que la verite, car la priere ne tue pas le
coupable, jamais. II est apres cela arrivant. II vivra. II mourra.
II n'ecartera pas cela non plus."
" Les Dieux prennent soin de qu\ done sur le monde, depuis
I'insecte Sir (le Ciron?) qui n'a point d'etre plus petit que lui et
qui puisse parvenir a son ignominie, jusqu'au Serref, qui n'a point
d'etre plus grand que lui?"
" Le bien, le mal, que Ton fera sur la terre, c'est Dieu (jui le fait
recevoir et qui dit : ' que cela arrive.' "
Je me suis demande, et je me demand encore, si ce livre n'a pas
eteecrit pour servir de reponse a une livre, egalement demotique,
recemment decouvert et qui semble anterieur, que j'ai etudie ces
temps derniers — etude complete qui paraitra bientot.
L'auteur, tleve dans des idees tres differentes, disait, au con-
traire :
" Que soient les choses de Dieu, une plaisanierie pour le coeur
de I'homme sans vergogne."
" Que soit la vie de I'homme sans vergogne, un fardeau pour le
cceur de Dieu meme."
"Qu'on lui donne la duree de vie, pour le reserver pour la
punition."
" Qu'on donne les biens a I'homme sensuel, parcequ'il a regu son
souffle pour cela."
246
June io] LE VAUTOUR ET LA CHATTE. [1903.
*' On ne connait pas le coeur de Dieu, jusqu'a ce qu'il fasse venir
la resurrection."
" Est ce que la creature levera la main ? Dieu la connait.
" II connait I'impie qui se gloriiie de ses delicatesses et de ses
sensualites."
" II connait rhomme de Dieu, et le grandissement de Dieu en
son coeur."
" La langue dont on n'a pas donne la reponse, ses paroles,
Dieu les connait."
" Le coup de revolution qui vient, alors qu'il est loin, son repaire
(son lieu de preparation) est revele pour lui,"
" En sorte que I'impie fait de sa main un piege etre pour
quelqu'un "
" Et que Dieu le fait echapper (la victime de I'impie) au desastre
auquel il etait en quelque sorte attache."
" Qu'on proclame les prodigues de Dieu dans les infortunes
immeritees (sans faute)."
" II veille la nuit a cela, afin de donner des approvisionnements
aux Egyptiens."
" II fait se manifester, pour I'homme, un coeur et une langue par
son action providentielle,"
" En sorte qu'il lui fait faire une bonne venue dans la science
qu'il ne connaissait pas,"
" Et qu'il fait etre, au contraire, des coups nombreux sans cause
apparente (sans personne derriere).
" C'est lui qui protege le chemin sans gardien ; "
" Cest lui qui fait le jugement sans juge ; "
" En sorte qu'il a etabli le grand dans sa grandeur de coeur pour
la misericorde ; "
" Et qu'il fait le pauvre qui prie le hir (le grand, le seigneur) pour
connaitre son coeur."
" L'impie ne dit pas : ' Dieu est dans la destinee qui se leve.' "
" Quant a ce qu'il dit : ' cela n'est pas.' Qu'il regarde les choses
cachees (les mysteres)."
" Le soleil et la lune viendront dans le ciel-— Pourquoi ? "
" L'eau et le feu et le vent (I'air) viendront — ^D'ou ? "
" Une protection et une domination sont sur les etres — De qui?"
" La nature de Dieu qui 'est cachee, il la fait connaitre par le
monde."
" II a fait la luniiere et les tenebres — toute la creation, en lui."
247
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.iiOLOGV. [1903.
" II a fait etre le sol produisent la vegetation, puis inonde, puis
enfantant encore."
" II a fait etre les jours, les mois, les annees, par les ordres du
maitre de I'ordre."
" II a fait etre I'ete et I'hiver, par les levers et les couchers de
Sothis."
" II a fait etre la nourriture pour ceux qui vivent et les trans-
formations des vegetaux."
" II a fait etre la destinee des etres qui sont dans le ciel, que ceux
qui sont sur la terre connaissent."
*' II a fait etre I'eau douce dans le monde, ce qui est le desir de
toutes les terres."
"II a fait etre le souffle (I'esprit, I'ame, la vie) dans les oeufs, sans
chemin pour cela."
" II a fait etre des enfantements dans tous les flancs, par les
corps qu'il leur donne."
" II a fait etre la pierre, et les os dans les corps susdits."
" II a fait etre la venue du monde entier, par les etres animes du
sol, etc."
Oui, Dieu est, et par cela meme que Dieu est, la retribution
sera, bien qu'elle tarde. Aussi s'ecrie-t-il ailleurs :
" Le chatiment de Dieu est violent, celui qui vient apres la mort
de force "
" Dieu n'oublie pas. La retribution ne le rassasie done point "
" II n'y aura plus, dans cette demeure de retribution, de con-
naissance du jugement (ou des juges), en ce qui concerne I'homme
sage (a son prejudice)."
" II n'y aura plus d'ecrasement du faible sans fortune."
" II n'y a plus, pour le juste, de souci ou de trouble, au temps de
repos de Dieu."
" La retribution n'aura cependant pas lieu sans trouble et
ecrasement de la sensualite."
" La destinee, la benediction, et la puissance, sont a sa parole
(de Dieu)."
" Qu'il fasse le jugement pour le peche, en donnant la recompense
pour le bien."
" Qu'il fasse etre la faim apres le rassasiement, et le rassasiement
apres la faim aussi."
" On ne connait pas la maniere de faire de Dieu, en ce qui
concerne la retribution, qu'il fera surgir pour eux."
248
June io] LE VAUTOUR ET LA CHATTE. 1903.
" Celui qui s'enflamme pour toutes les transgressions, Dieu
s'enflammera contre ses transgressions."
" Celui qui a laisse passer une petite turpitude, celui la repand
tous les exces avec tranquillite."
"A la violence, au prejudice fait aux autres, point de misericorde,
de peur qu'ils ne reposent dans le vice."
Viola le cri de la conscience, le cri de la raison, oppose a celui
des sensations.
Tel est le proces — proces eternel, — qui se plaide entre les
incredules et les croyants, depuis le commencement du monde,
proces dont Job s'est deja fait I'echo, et qui a une toute autre portee
que celui qui se plaidait devant le Soleil, d'apres le Koufi, entre la
chatte et le vautour. Celui-ci n'est qu'une parodie de I'autre. Mais
■cette parodie a son interet, tant par le fond que par la mise en scene,
•et c'est pourquoi j'ai cru devoir la communiquer a la Societe dont
je fais depuis si longtemps partie.
NOTE ON
"THE INSCRIPTIONS AT EL-KAB."
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., &^c.
Mr. Green is mistaken in saying that the inscriptions which I
have given in the Proceedings, XXI, p. 108, are "a hand copy";
as I have there stated, they are traced from rubbings. One of the
rubbings I have sent to him ; three others are here at Queen's
College, Oxford, and can be examined by those who wish,
Mr. Green's photograph is clear, but the rubbings are equally clear,
and the photograph and rubbings do not agree. Can they relate to
the same inscription?
249
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1903.
THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION
IN ROMAN GALATIA.
By E. J. PiLCHER.
(Continued from page 233.)
Noah, and the other inmates of the Ark, then came out, and
spread over the Earth. This First Book of the Sibylline Oracles is
attributed by Ewald to the end of the third century of the Christian
Era ; and this view is supported by most other scholars. The poem
would therefore be almost contemporaneous with the issue of the
autonomous coins of Apameia, which have the ark of Noah for their
reverse type. The name of the city is not expressly given in the
Oracle, but the line
There the great river Marsyas draws his streams,
is quite sufficient ; for the river Marsyas rose in a grotto under the
citadel, and flowed through Apameia Cibotus before falling into the
Mseander. Consequently the writer of the poem has given a perfect
indication of the exact place where he supposed the ark of Noah to
have rested. That the name of Ararat should have been transferred
from Armenia to Phrygia is not surprising, when we reflect how
common it is for traditions to be removed from one locality to
another. Folk lore never fetters itself with geographical considera-
tions, and topography was not a strong point in antiquity.
It is certain, therefore, that, at the time when the Sibylline
Oracles were composed, it was a settled article of faith that Apameia
Cibotus was the scene of the Noachian deliverance ; and this will
fully explain the reason for the reverse type of its coins in the reign
of Septimius Severus. The magistrate who struck these coins bore
the not uncommon Greek name of Artemas. Greek names were
universal among the Jews of Asia Minor, as Dr. Ramsay has in-
250
May 13] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
he was impeached by D. Laelius for extortion and misgovernment
during his governorship. Flaccus entrusted his defence to the
celebrated Cicero, whose speech upon this occasion is still preserved
to us. One of the counts in the indictment was that Flaccus had
confiscated a quantity of gold belonging to the Galatian Jews.
"The next thing is that charge about the Jewish gold,"
says Cicero in his oration. " As gold, under pretence of being
I :! given to the Jews, was accustomed to be exported out of
Italy and all the provinces to Jerusalem, Flaccus issued an
edict establishing a law that it should not be lawful for gold to
be exported ou of Asia. And who is there, O Judges, who
cannot honestly praise this measure? The Senate had often
decided — and when I was Consul it came to a most solemn
resolution — that gold ought not to be exported. But to resist
this barbarous superstition were an act of dignity : to despise
the multitudes of Jews, which at times was most unruly in the
assemblies, in defence of the interests of the Republic, was an
act of the greatest wisdom. ' But Cnjeus Pompeius, after he
had taken Jerusalem, though he was a conqueror, touched
nothing which was in that temple.' In the first place he acted
wisely, as he did in many other instances, in leaving no room
for his detractors to say anything against him in a city so prone
to suspicion and to evil speaking. For I do not suppose that
the religion of the Jews our enemies was any obstacle to that
most illustrious general, but that he was hindered by his own
modesty. Where then is the guilt ? Since you nowhere
impute any theft to us : since you approve of the edict, and
confess that it was passed in due form, and do not deny that
the gold was openly sought for and produced. The facts of the
case themselves show that the business was executed by the
instrumentality of men of the highest character. There was a
hundred pounds weight of gold, more or less, openly seized at
Apameia, and weighed out in the forum at the foot of the
praetor by Sextus Csesius, a Roman knight, a most excellent
and upright man. Twenty pounds weight, or a little more,
were seized at Laodicea by Lucius Peducseus, who is here in
court, one of our judges. Some was seized also at Adramyttium,
by Cnseus Domitius, the lieutenant; and a small quantity at
Pergamus. The amount of gold is known : the gold is in the
229 Q
May 13] SOCIETY OF 15I1SLICAL ARCII/KOLOGV. [1903.
treasury : no theft is im]nitecl to him ; but it is attempted to
render him unpopular." '^
The result of the trial was the complete acquittal of Valerius
Flaccus from all charges made against him. But the interest of
these proceedings centres in the evidence afforded of the importance
of the Jewish population in and around Apameia Cibotus. The
Roman officials seized comparatively small sums in Pergamus,
Adramyttium, and Laodicea ; but at Apameia they confiscated a
quantity of gold estimated at one hundred pounds weight. What
this gold was is explained by Josephus.'^' It was customary at that
period for every Jew to contribute half a shekel per annum to the
temple at Jerusalem (Matt, xvii, 24, R.V.). For convenience of
carriage, the Jews of the Dispersion converted the silver half-shekels
into gold, which was periodically remitted to Palestine. The
Gentile authorities, however, strongly objected to the export of all
this bullion, thinking, as more modern statesmen have done, that
the export of gold reduced the available wealth of the country ; and
there was thus continual friction between the Jewish communities
and their Gentile rulers, not only in the time of Flaccus, but also
much later. As each Jew contributed half a shekel, the quantity of
bullion seized at Apameia may be taken as an index of ihe total
Jewish population of tlie district ; and it has been calculated by
M. Th. Reinach ^ that, at the then ratio of gold and silver, the
hundred pounds weight of gold confiscated by Flaccus would repre-
sent the contributions of fifty thousand Jews. It is not necessary
to suppose that all these Hebrews were residents of the city, seeing
that they were originally settled in the country districts as agri-
culturalists ; but the figures will be sufficient to prove that in the
time of Cicero Jews were an important element of the locality.
Ten years later, the INIaccabean Prince Hyrcanus II intervened
with the Roman authorities in order to get the Jews of Asia Minor
excused from military service, because their duties in the pagan
army would interfere with some of their religious observances.
Accordingly, by a decree of Publius Cornelius Dolabella, Prefect of
Asia, in b.c. 49, Jews were held exempt from impressment in the
army.^
•' "The Orations of Marcijs Tullius Cicero," Pro Flacco, Bohn, London, 1S52,
p. 454-
■• Anliq. XVIII, ix, I. '" " Les Monnaies Juives," Paris, 1S87, p. 72 n.
^ Josephus, Anliqy XIV, x, 11-12.
230
^Tay 13] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
In B.C. 15 the Asian Jews obtained fresh recognition. King
Herod the Great, having assisted M. Agrippa Vipsanius during some
operations in Pontus, was in great favour, and he therefore induced
Agrippa to investigate the complaints of the Jews to the effect that
former decrees had been disregarded by the authorities, that the
money collected for the temple had been intercepted, tliat they had
been impressed for military service, and that they were compelled to
attend the law-courts upon the Sabbath Day. Accordingly, Agrippa
ordered that the Jews should be allowed to observe their own
customs, so far as these were not detrimental to the Roman
government {Antiq. XVI, ii, 5).
In A.D. 14 an imperial decree was suspended in the temple of
Augustus at Ancyra, giving the Jews of Asia full protection in the
exercise of their religious customs, authorizing the remittance of the
temple-money to Jerusalem, and exempting them from attendance
at the law^-courts during the Sabbath {A/itiq. XVI, vi, 2).
After the death of Augustus, we hear very little of the Jews in
this part of the world. They appear, however, to have been flourish-
ing, and the Apostle Paul found synagogues scattered throughout
the country, notable at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts xiii, 14) and Iconium
(Acts xiv, i).
Although, as we have seen, the Jews of Asia Minor down to the
time of Augustus were tenacious of their ancient laws and customs,
yet later Jewish tradition throws doubt upon their orthodoxy. Their
whole literature appears to have been Greek, and they no longer
read the P>ible in the original ; for it is related that when Rabbi
Meir went into the Roman province of Asia to perform a religious
ceremony, he could not find a single copy of the Book of Esther in
the Hebrew tongue. He therefore inscribed the whole of the roll
from memory, in order to be able to conduct the reading in the
synagogue in the proper manner upon the feast of Purim.' Of
(i^*^'^n^11D) Phrygia, generally, the Talmud merely says, "The
Phrygian wine, and the baths, have separated the Ten Tribes from
their brethren ; " evidently meaning to imply that the luxuries of
that country had enervated the Jewish communities, and induced
some departure from the stricter principles of Judaism.^
Dr. Ramsay has published a number of Jewish inscriptions from
' " La Geographic du Talmud," par Adolphe Neubauer, J'aris, 1868, p. 290.
** Ibtd., p. 315.
2^1
May 13] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903.
Phrygia ; but the only one yet discovered at Apameia Cibotus is the
epitaph of AureHus Rufus JuHanus, which, however, mentions the
law of the Jews {rou v6i.iov ulcev 7u)v 'ElovcAwv), and, as M. S. Reinach
has shown, this cannot refer to the Law of Moses, but must refer to
the local legislation regulating the affairs of the Jewish community.^
This epitaph appears to belong to the third century of our era, and
it will be observed that the Hebrew bears a Roman name, as
evidence of his citizenship. As Dr. Ramsay says, "The Phrygian
Jews seem to have abandoned entirely the use of the Hebrew
language and names, and it is impossible to identify them from their
names alone."'*'
For a period of four hundred years, therefore, we have a
succession of allusions to Jewish inhabitants of Phrygia and Galatia.
They had received special consideration from the successive rulers
of the country ; they enjoyed various privileges and exemptions to
enable them to follow out their religious customs unhindered ; and
as late as the third century of the Christian Era their peculiar
position was officially recognized and defined by law. There is thus
no difficulty in understanding how a Biblical narrative could have
become perfectly well known. Not only was it well known, but it
appears from the so called Sibylline Oracles that the land of Phrygia
was believed to be closely associated with the story of the Deluge of
Noah. These Sibylline Oracles are now admitted upon all hands to
have been Christian and Jewish compositions, made during the first
few centuries of our era for the purpose of familiarising the pagan
world with Biblical history and doctrine. It is not quite certain
where these Oracles were written ; but the writers seem to have had
a special fondness for the land of Phrygia, which is frequently
mentioned in them. Herodotus (ii, 2) tells of the antiquity of this
country, and relates how its claims in this respect were confirmed by
the investigations of Psammetichus, king of Egypt ; but the
Sibylline Oracles go further than this, for they claim that, at the
creation, Phrygia was the first land to rise from the waters of Chaos.
The first book of the Sibylline Oracles describes in much detail the
creation of the world and of man. After four races of mortals had
been created and then hurled into Tartarus, a race of giants ruled in
'■' "The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia," by \V. M. Ramsay, D.C.L. ,
O.xford, 1897, p. 538.
1" JbU., 1). 669.
232
May 13] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
the earth ; all of them being wicked except ihe patriarch Noah, who
alone was faithful, and attentive to good works. Noah was divinely
commissioned to preach to the sinful world, for, if they did not
repent,
"Water shall be all over, and all things
Shall be destroyed by waters. And the winds
Shall stand still, and a second age shall dawn.
O Phrygia, from the lofty water first
To come forth, thou another race of men
Shall nourish up, as from another new
Beginning, and shall be a nurse for all."
As, however, this message was scorned, Noah entered into the ark
with his wife and sons, and the various living creatures of the earth.
The lid was shut down, and, after tossing about on the flood for
many days and nights, Noah reopened the lid and gazed around.
Twice he released a dove. The second time the bird came back
with a branch of olive. He then released a raven ; but the black-
winged bird flew down to the earth and remained there.
" There is upon the Phrygian mainland dark
A steep, tall mountain, Ararat by name,
Because there all were to be restored ;
And in it there is great and strong desire.
There the great river Marsyas draws his streams.
There the ark rested, on the lofty height.
The waters ceasing. Then again from heaven
Uttered the holy voice of the great God,
This word, ' O rescued Noah, faithful, just.
Come boldly forth with thy sons and thy wife.
And their young wives, and fill all the earth.
Increasing, multiplying, rendering justice
One to another, on from age to age.
Until to judgment all the race of men
Comes ; for a judgment shall be unto all.' " "
" " The Sibylline Oracles translated from the Greek into English blank verse."
By Milton S. Terry. New York, 1890.
( To be to/itiniied.)
23:
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Errata to Prof. Dr. Lieblein's letter, March, 1903.
Page 162, line 21, for voit read voir.
Page 163, line 13, for line read un.
,, line 22, for donnait read donnent pas.
,, line })'i,, for une read un.
,, line 3S, for a read a.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at
-^^y^ Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Wednesday,
June loth, 1903, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper
will be read : —
Prof. A. H. Sayce : " The Latest Discoveries at
Thebes.
234
May 13] PROCEEniNGS. [1903
THE FOLLOW^ING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenling iJiem lo the
Society.
Amelineau, Ilistoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de TEtj^'pte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant noire ere.
— - La Geographic de I'Egypte a I'epoque Copte.
.\MIAUD, A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Be-itrage zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Beitrage zur Assyriologie,
Berlin Museum, ^gyptische Urkunden.
,, „ Griechische und Koptische Urkunden.
BissiNG, Baron von, " Metalgefasse " {Cat. Gen. du Musee du Caire).
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
IL Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and. 4.)
Bui^iGE, E. A. Wallis, Litt. D., "The Mummy."
Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
BURCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873.
Crum, W. E., "Coptic Monuments" {Cat. Gen. du Mnsi-e du Caire).
Daressy, G., " Ostraca" {Cat. Cairo Museum).
" Fouilles de la Vallee des Rois" {Cat. Cairo Museum).
Delitzsch, Das Babylonische Weltschopfungs Epos.
DiJMiCHEN, Ilistorische Inschriften, &c., 1st series, 1867.
— — 2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalendcr-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Erers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
fitudes Egj'ptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1S80.
May 13] SOCIETY OF HIRLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190 .
GOLENISCHEFF, Die Mctternichstele. Folio, 1S77.
Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
IIaupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengcsetze.
IIoMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Kabylonier.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch Ul)er Heilkunde.
KussMETTER, Der Occultesmus des Altertunis des Akkader, Babyloner,
Chaldaer, &c.
Leoerer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Beriicksichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egj-ptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFfeBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2'"<^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmanx, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173;
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, Sec, 18S0.
Mariette, " Monuments divers."
" Dendera."
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Maspero, G., " Annales du service des Antiquites de I'F^gypte."
MiJLLER, D. H. , Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur la Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani \^elitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptische Gotterglaube.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, Der Bil)lische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866
to 1878.
ZiMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfiwissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
S0i:ietD of §iblixat ^.rtJ^ralogD.
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C,
June iZth, 1903.
GENERAL INDEX TO THE NINE VOLUMES
OF "TRANSACTIONS."
Dear Sir or Madam,
A sufficient number of subscriptions have
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Yours faithfully,
WAl-TER L. NASH, F.S.A.,
Secretary.
JcNE 10] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
formed us : and Artemas was the name of one of the companions of
St. Paul (Titus iii, 11). The coins style the Apameian magistrate
"Artemas the third," i- that is to say, his father and grandfather
were also named Artemas. The name of this Agonothetes appears
upon a large variety of bronze coins of all sizes, and bearing the
effigies of Septimius Severus, Julia Domna, Caracalla, Plautilla, and
Geta. The reverse types are of various designs, including figures of
Zeus, Athena, and Tyche, ears of corn, eagles, lions, etc.
It may, perhaps, be objected that such types would be repugnant
to any adherent of the Jewish faith ; but Herod the Great struck
pieces for circulation in Jerusalem itself, bearing the figure of an
eagle. The Jewish kings Agrippa I and Agrippa II put Tyche and
Victory upon their coins ; ^^ and it is therefore not surprising that the
Jewish magistrate of a pagan city should have allowed his name to
appear upon pagan money bearing figures of Grecian deities, and
the other customary symbols of the locality. It is particularly
noticeable that some of the coins of Artemas were struck in honour
of Plautilla. This lady was the daughter of L. Fulvius Plautianus ;
and she was married to Caracalla in a.d. 202. The union appears
to have been a popular one, as many of the cities of the Roman
Empire celebrated the event by the issue of coins bearing the names
and figures of Caracalla and the new empress. The next year,
however, Plautianus was detected in a conspiracy, and he was
immediately executed, and his daughter divorced. It would there-
fore appear that in the year 202 public games were exhibited in
Apameia. We do not know whether these games were the periodical
festivals of the city, or of the community (Kowrji') of Phrygia ; but
at any rate they coincided with the public rejoicings at the nuptials
of Plautilla and Caracalla. A wealthy and well-descended in-
'- It is to be observed that the r is attached to the name "Apre/xas not to
'AyaivoOhris ; so the inscription cannot be read as implying that he was
Agonothetes for the third time. Moreover, the numeral occurs on pieces which
omit the title. For instance, a small brass piece preserved at Paris, having on
the obverse the busts of Caiacalla and Plautilla facing, has on the reverse
the inscription GHI APT6MA T AHAMGIC KOINON
<l>PYri AC , with the type of an eagle.
^^ "Coins of the Jews," by Frederic W. Madden, London, 1881, pp. 114,
I33~I52' Mr. Madden was at first unwilling to assign the eagle coins to Herod
the Great ; but M. de Saulcy proved so clearly that these pieces are found in
Jerusalem and nowhere else, that the English numismatist was fully convinced
that they could only have been issued by Herod.
251 S
Ji-NE loj hOCIETV OF BinLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
dividual named Artcmas was elected president of these games ; and,
in order to signalise the occasion, this agonothetes caused a large
number of coins to be struck and distributed among the population.
Wishing to give a remarkable reverse for some of the more important
pieces, the artist had recourse to the tradition of the Noachian
deluge, which had long been associated with that locality by the
Jewish residents in the neighbourhood.
Sixteen years later these coins were again issued, in the name of
the Emperor Macrinus, but with no indication of the magistrate
responsible.
When, however, Philip I was elevated to the imperial dignity,
Marcus Aurelius Alexander again struck large brass coins with the
figure of Noah on the reverse ; besides other pieces of smaller size
and with various types, in honour of Otacilia and the two Philips.
Marcus Aurelius Alexander describes himself as 'Apxiepev^, or
Chief Priest ; and it appears that Phrygian Jews frequently officiated
as priests in the temples dedicated to the Emperors. Dr. Ramsay ^*
tells us that : —
" The Akmonian and Ancyran families of Julius Severus-
and Servenius Cornutus were also Jewish ; and of course Kar.
Akyl[l]ia, wife of Julius Severus, was a Jewess. Incidentally we
notice from the inscriptions relating to members of these
families that they held priesthoods in the cultus of the
emperors ; but it was, doubtless, compulsory on those who
wished to engage in the imperial service, that they should freely
accept the forms of that cultus, for it would have been a mark
of disloyalty, disqualifying an officer, to refuse to participate in
the established forms. This marks a very significant difference
from the old Jewish spirit, and shows that the circumstances
amid which the Phrygian Jews lived had affected them gieatly;
there can be no doubt that they had identified their interests
with those of their new country, and had become as completely
Romans and Asians, as persons of Jewish descent in England
now reckon themselves English, and in France French. Prof.
E. Schiarer has pointed out into what strange forms the Jewish
customs had degenerated at Thyatira ; and we need not wonder
that the Akmonian Jews became magistrates and agonothetai,
and high priests of the imperial cultus."
" " Cities and Bishoprics," p. 650.
252
Juke io] THE Jp:WS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
Consequently, all available evidence tends to prove that these
coins we have been considering were all issued by Grtecised Jews,
whose wealth and position in the country led to their being elected
as magistrates of the city ; and whose religious pride induced them
to commemorate in this popular manner the legendary association
of Apameia Cibotus with the Deluge of Noah.
Seeing that these pieces of money bear the figures of the Hebrew
patriarch and his consort, the raven and the olive-bearing dove; and,
above all other things, the word NUG, there can be no possible
dispute that they were intended to illustrate the Biblical story.
Moreover, the designers of the coin must have drawn their in-
spiration chiefly from the Greek Septuagint translation, for the
name of the patriarch is given in its Septuagint form of Nwe ;
whereas Josephus wrote it 'Swxo^, which more exactly renders the
Hebrew nj- Notwithstanding this certain fact, however, it has
been suggested that there may have existed some indigenous
tradition of a diluvial catastrophe which contributed something to
the choice of this coin-type, and influenced the Jewish settlers in
transferring the scene of a Biblical narrative to the land of Phrygia ;
and the earlier commentators upon these pieces of money were so
anxious to connect them with the classical story of Deucalion, that
they remained strangely bhnd to the name of Noah, which is so
conspicuous a feature of the design.^-^
It is true that industrious persons have collected from various
lands a large number of more or less authentic examples of stories
analogous to that of the Biblical Deluge ; and it has been argued
that the recollection of such an event has been preserved in nearly
every part of the world. But this claim for a universality of the
diluvial tradition is really a most startling one. When we consider
the vast differences of language, temperament, tradition, custom, and
modes of thought among the races of mankind ; and when we
observe how these diversities tend to widen as time rolls on, it is
extremely difficult to credit that one single episode should be in
direct contrast to everything else we know, and should be capable of
being everywhere transmitted in recognizable form, while all beside
has suffered complete alteration. Furthermore, in a great many
cases these deluge stories have the appearance of being recent
'^ See especially " ArchL-eologia," Vol. IV, 1786.
253 S 2
June io] SOCIKTV OF lilHLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
importations rather than ancient traditions. Andrea ^^ mentions
that Moffat, the South African missionary, gives a striking example,
which came under his own notice, of the rapid and easy manner in
which tales and Biblical histories were conveyed by travellers,
missionaries, and settlers, and penetrated among the Hottentots
with less or more modifications, and thus falsified the native folk-
lore. Moffat had never found a story of the Deluge among the
races of South Africa with which he had come in contact, until a
Namaqua told him such a story and he noted it down. He soon
suspected, however, that it was not genuine, but was influenced by
the Biblical narrative, though the Namaqua assured him that he had
heard it from his forefathers, and had never met a missionary.
Nevertheless, Moffat had been imposed ujjon, for he afterwards
became acquainted with the missionary from whom that particular
Hottentot had received the story.^" This anecdote will tend to
illustrate the difficulties that beset the whole theory of a universal
tradition of the Deluge. As a general rule, it is only after savage
or semi-civilized peoples have been for some time in contact with
European missionaries, settlers, and adventurers, that it is dis-
covered that a legend is current among them bearing analogy to the
Noachian catastrophe. In addition to this, folklore and compara-
tive mythology have not yet entirely eliminated the old mediaeval
idea that the traditions of heathendom ought to be found to conceal
a dim reminiscence of the narratives of the Book of Genesis.
Consequently, zeal rather than discretion has occasionally cliarac-
terized the laborious compilers of tales of inundation. These con-
siderations, therefore, will prevent our assuming too hastily that the
native Phrygians ought necessarily to have possessed any tradition
analogous to that of the Biblical flood. In fact, the hint of such a
tradition is not to be found before Stephen of Byzantium, a Christian
writer of the sixth century, who gives the following narrative, under
the heading of 'hcoi^toi' : —
"They say that there was formerly a king named Annacus,
the extent of whose life was above three hundred years. The
people round about inquired of an oracle how long he was to
live, and the answer was that when Annacus died all mankind
"■ " Die Flutsagen. Elhnographisch belrachtet "' von Richard Andree.
Braunschweig, 1891, p. 51.
'' See Robert Moffat, "Mi-sionary Labours and Scents in Soulh Africa.'"
London, 1842, p. 126.
254
June io] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
would be destroyed. The Phrygians hearing this made great
lamentations, from which arose the proverb to cttI 'Awukoo
KKavaeii', the lamentation for Annacus, used for those who were
in great grief. When the flood of Deucalion came, all mankind
was destroyed." ^^
The fact that this story is only known to us from so late an
authority is sufficient to discredit its claim to be an authentic
tradition of antiquity ; not to mention that, as Buttmann has pointed
out, king Annacus, with his reign of over three hundred years, is
merely a repetition of the patriarch Enoch, who was translated at
the similar age of three hundred and sixty-five.i^ So that in this
case also we have not to deal with a native tradition, but with a
story transferred by Christian or Jewish piety from the pages of the
Bible to a city of Galatia.
If the countries of Asia Minor had had any predilection for the
legend of the Deluge, it was of course perfectly possible for them
to have derived it directly from its primeval home in Babylonia (for,
since the discovery and decipherment of the Babylonian narrative of
Sit-7iapistim j -^y "-yf i<^ ^"^Pxi the famous Eleventh Episode in the
adventures of Gilgames, there has been no doubt as to the original
source of the diluvial tradition). The disseminat'on from this source,
however, appears to have been an extremely slow one. To the
eastward, for example, although there are four legends of a Flood
in Hindu literature, they are all of comparatively late date. The
ancient Vedas have no knowledge of such a catastrophe ; and it was
not until the Satapatha BrdJunaiia was written that it obtained a
footing in India. Eugene Burnouf pretty clearly established the
essentially foreign character of the Hindu stories of a Deluge, and
convinced even M. Francois Lenormant that they were all due to
Semitic importation within historic times. 2"
To the westward it may be said that we have the classical
legends of the flood of Ogyges, and the flood of Deucalion. Neither
of these can claim any great antiquity. Those fathers of Greek
history and mythology, Homer and Hesiod, are quite silent upon
'^ " On some Coins of Septimius Severus, Macrinus, and Philip I." By F. W.
Madden. Numismatic Chronicle, New Series, Vol. VI. London, 1866, p. 211.
" "La Tradition phrygienne du Deluge." Par E, Babelon. Revtie de
FHistoire des Religious, Tome XXIII. Paris, 1891, p. 180.
20 "The Beginnings of History." By Fran9ois Lenormant. Translated by
Francis Brown. London, 1882, p. 422.
255
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903,
the subject of a deluge ; nor does such a narrative appear to have
inspired the chisel or brush of any ancient artist, so far as is known.
Unless, therefore, we are in a position to prove that the two legends
in question were widely accepted before the time of the Jewish
settlement in Phrygia, it will be somewhat jjresumptuous to argue
that there can be any pre-Judaic diluvial tradition in Asia
Minor.
As regards the Flood of Ogyges, we only know of this through
Eusebius, who derived it from the Christian writer, Sextus Julius
Africanus, the friend of Origen.-i It would thus appear to be a
modern story attached to the name of one of the old mythical kings
of Greece. Varro {de Re Rusfica, III, i) is sometimes quoted as an
authority ; but all he says is that Thebes was built by Ogyges before
the deluge.
As regards the flood of Deucalion, the Roman poet Ovid is
usually adduced for testimony, and it is somewhat uncritically
assumed that, because Ovid makes certain statements about this
hero, the whole legend existed from antiquity in that particular form.
The first mention of the name of Deucalion is to be found in
Herodotus (II, 56), who, however, gives no details of his story; and
it is the poet Pindar who furnishes us with an account of the myth
of Deucalion as it existed in 500 B.C. The Ninth Pindaric Ode is
in honour of Epharmostus of Opus, 22 who won the prize for wrestling
in the Olympic games ; and in the course of it Pindar thus refers to
the principal legend connected with the native city of the athlete : —
" Bring thy words to the city of Protogeneia, where by
decree of Zeus of the bickering lightning flash, Pyrrha and
Deukalion coming down from Parnassos first fixed their home,
and without bed of marriage made out of stones a race to be
one folk : and hence cometh the name of peoples.
" Awake for them the clear-toned gale of song, and if old
wine be best, yet among songs prefer the newer flowers.
" Truly, men say that once a mighty water swept over the
^' Eiisebii, JVep. Evangel. X, 10.
" "Ottovs, " the city of Protogeneia," was the capital of one of the Locrian
tribes, and was believed to be one of the most ancient towns in Oreece. It was
said to have been founded by Opus, the son of Locrus and Protogeneia ; rind in
its neighbourhood Deucalion and Pyrrha are reported to have resided. It is
mentioned in the Homeric Catalogue as one of the Locrian towns subject to Ajax
Oileus {II. ii, 531).
256
June io] THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION. [1903.
dark earth, but by the craft of Zeus an ebb suddenly drew off
the flood. From these first men came anciently your ancestors
of the brazen shields." -^
In reading this Ode it is first especially necessary to note what
it does no^ say. It gives no indication that Deucalion and Pyrrha
had any existence before the waters swept over the dark earth. It
does not say that Zeus se;/f the waters. It does not mention the
ex'stence of a boat, or the drowning of men and animals. In fact,
it is obviously a Creation Legend. The waters that swept over the
dark earth must be the waters of Chaos ; and by the craft of Zeus
they were drained off, and left the firm land. Into this desolate
waste Deucalion and Pyrrha descended from Parnassus, and from
stones, without bed of marriage, they produced the race of man-
kind.-^ The myth of the origin of man was most probably a
folk-etymology suggested by the similarity between the words
\«ov =: people, and Xafc.- = stone.
Thus far, therefore, we have the indigenous Greek story of
Deucalion. Aristotle {Meteor. I, 14) understands him to have been
concerned with a freshet of the river Achelous at Dodona. But the
next time Deucalion appears in literature, three centuries after
Pindar, his legend has undergone great transformation. He is no
longer merely the progenitor of the race of men after the ocean of
Chaos has been drained off the earth ; but he is the hero of a
detailed adventure analogous to that of the Babylonian Sit-napistim.
We owe this fresh presentation to ApoUodorus of Athens, who "wrote
somewhere about the year 115 B.C. ApoUodorus tells how Zeus was
offended at the conduct of the men of the Age of Bronze, and
determined to destroy them. Deucalion, however, is warned of the
coming catastrophe by his father Prometheus ; and he therefore
makes a large chest and furnishes it with provisions. He then gets
into it, together with his wife Pyrrha, who is now represented as the
daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora : Pandora having been the
first woman created by the gods. So that here, again, the legend
connects itself with the origin of mankind. Zeus inundates the
whole earth with the flood ; but Deucalion in his chest floats upon
^ "The Extant Odes of Pindar." By Ernest Myers, M.A. London, 1874,
P- 33-
'"• "Die Sintflut und die Flutsagen des Alterthums." Von Prof. Ludwig
Diestel. Berlin, 1871, p. 23.
257
June io]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1903-
the water, and drifts about for nine days and nine nights, stranding
at last upon the top of Parnassus, ^^'hen the rain abates he gets
out of his chest, and offers sacrifice to Zeus Phyxios. Zeus tells him
and his wife to throw stones behind them, and thus the world is
repeopled.-^ The Roman poet Ovid (43-17 B.C.) merely repeated
the story of Apollodorus with a few poetical embellishments. And
the author of the treatise " Of the Syrian Goddess " (usually attri-
buted to Lucian of Samosata, about 200 a.d.) gives a version of the
flood of Deucalion very closely resembling that of Noah. As, how-
ever, the hero of his story bears the name of Deucalion-Sisythes, it
seems obvious that the details are derived from the legend of
Xisuthros related by the Chaldean priest Berosus.
When, therefore, the development of the myth of Deucalion is
properly followed out, it is obvious that it was not until a com-
paratively late period that the Graeco-Roman world adopted the
story of the deluge, and wove it into the classical mythology. The
first certain traces of it are to be found in Apollodorus, who flourished
at least half a century after the first settlement of the Jews in Phrygia
and Galatia. It is therefore demanding too much to ask us to
believe that there was any definite tradition of such a catastrophe in
Asia Minor previous to the Hebrew settlement. Consequently, we
are brought to the conviction that the interest in the Noachian
Deluge was first imported into Phrygia by the Jewish immigrants in
the time of Antiochus the Great ; that the coins of Apameia Cibotus
are solely inspired by the narrative in Genesis ; and that they thus
form the earliest numismatic illustration of an undoubtedly Biblical
subject.
** ApoUodori Bibliotheca, J, 7.
258
Junk io] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS.
By a. Cowley, M.A.
{Co7iti)iued from page 208.)
NOTES ON THE NAMES IN THE PAPYRUS.
By G. Buchanan Gray.
I first give brief notes on the individual names : I will then add
some remarks on the complexion of the entire group.
t^?2n'^ (1. i) follows "^3, and is probably a proper name.
t^^Drr^ means orphan ; cp. Heb. Qin'', Syr. PsdAji, Arab, ^^i-
Such a meaning for a proper name is not at all improbable ; it
would have tolerably close analogies in names which mean first-
born, twin, posthumous {ste. Noldeke, \x\ E?icyciopiEdta Bib/ica,%6\-6T,).
But there is no other clear example of a name actually meaning
orphan. Noldeke {Encyc. BibL, 3285, top) has suggested that DilV
may possibly mean orphan ; and it is also worth considering
whether the original name of a Moabite who figures as n?2n^ in
the list of David's might) men (i Chr. xi, 46) may not have been
Dm'
In the Mishnah H^m occurs as the name of a village ('Orlah,
*'. 5)-
ppi^- The root 2pJ^ is not uncommonly employed in proper
names both simple and compound. 2^pi^ (? ^= posthumous) is the
name of several persons mentioned in Chr., Ezra, and Neh. A
similar later Jewish name is h^^.p'^i^ or T^pIV (^^^ -I^-g^T) Neuhebr.
IVorterbuch, s.7\ Tl^^pV)- Verbal forms from the root occur in
' The n in HCn* may be dittographic, and instead of '•3X1011 ilOn'' the
original text may have run ''3N10n DrT" ; cp. Lucian's reading, 'leOa/j. u MoiajSiTTjy ;
hut other Greek readings are 'Udffxa, 'Ede/jLU.
259
Tune io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.i:OLOGV. [1903.
the Biblical 2.^:^^, the late Jewish ^''npi,^ the Palmyrene Ipi^^l
(de Vogiie, Svr/e Centrak, xx, 3) and ^pi,*]!^* (//'., xxxii, 2). Cp.
further the Arabic names iijJi»z ^nd ^ ,_vj;^ : also tlie early South
Arabian name 'Akibu (Hommel, Altisr. Ueberliefenuig, 83).
"'■^I^ll^^'tt^j Shemesh {the sun) is 7Jiy light. The ancient and
wide-spread worship of the sun is reflected in a number of names
both of places, such as Beth-shemesh, En-shemesh, and of persons,
such as the Phoenician t2?T2tI?21i^, the Aramaic illi^ltr?2U.''-'^
Among the Palmyrene names there are several compounds with
"Cyiy^, and parallels both to the second element and to the structure
of the present name are found in the Palmyrene ^■^^2ni.^ ^-^the
is my light ^^ a variant of which is 'n];n>^ (without the suffix).
Another instance of the use of ^12 is found in the Palmyrene
73,"^'12 (cp. the corresponding but different "^2 'vvhich occurs in the
Biblical names "^^li^i rT'ni), ^rid another instance of the use of
the suffix with the second element of a compound proper name is
the Aramaic "'"lli^U^T^It^, Shemesh is my ? help {C./.S., ii, 87); see
further below under "i^inn^-
''n!ip- Possibly an abbreviated name ; cp. the various Biblical
names ending in -/ {Encyc. BibL, 3292). The root has various
meanings.
^■nnn"^- obviously a compound name. The final letter is
pretty clearly 1, and the name another instance of the use of the
suffix in the final element of a compound, ^^'here the first element
ends and the second begins is uncertain, (i) In the script of the
papyrus d and r are practically indistinguishable, and the name may
equally well be read "^Trnn"^- In this case we might divide the name
into i"T"7 and T\7V^ ■ then the second element would be the Tf or 111
{laide), which appears in a few Biblical, Aramaic, and Himyaritic
names + (ll^b^, "n^l. H"!! ; H^ril = 21211), and r[rV would
be a hitherto unknown divine name. If read ^1T^^^ the name
^n"T22 {iVebo is my dwelling) might be compared ; but this name,
though it occurs in an Aramaic inscription {C.I.S. ii, 42), is
* For further examples and references, see Lidzharski, Haiidbitch d. tiordsem.
Epigraphik, p. 379. For place-names see Encyc. Bihl., " Names," § 95.
' ''"13"1D in an Aramaic inscription (C.I.S., xxxix, 6) is an Assyrian name
(Sarru-nuri).
* On these names see my Studies in Hebrew Proper Names (hereafter abbre-
viated H.P.N.), 60-63.
260
June io] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
Assyrian. (2) The alternative is to divide the name into "'"^"in
and TT', and interpret, H"' ^'s my majesty. In this case cp. the
Biblical names of somewhat similar meaning, H^Tin (cp. "Tin"^D.t^5
lirr^nb^) lirfT^i^), >'iy splendour is Ya/nveh, and "I13V, Ya/noeh
is glory. But if ^n"Tnn^ is really a compound with n^ {Yalnceli),
it presents more than one peculiarity when compared with the
Biblical (Palestinian) compounds with pj'^ : (^) The occurrence of a
new name with n^ prefixed in the post-exilic period would be very
exceptional {ff.F.N., 158-163). {l>) Either TV was pronounced
Yah in 'ilTnn'^ (and this at the beginning of a compound would be
unparalleled), or it was pronounced, as in the Biblical names, Yelio ;
in this case the omission of 1 after the n would be most unusual.
On certain Jewish coins the name IJI^V is written VrK^ (Madden,
Coitis of the Jews, 86 ff.) ; otherwise the initial forms of the divine
name regularly used alike in the Hebrew Bible and in inscriptions
(Lidzbarski, 286) are IpT^ and V; the exceptional forms ^^^^"^ and
i^lll^"' are not parallel to the present use. (dj The use of the suffix
in the final element of the compound has a doubtful parallel in the
Biblical I'ni^'rt^ (cp. H.P.N., p. 304, No. 34 with footnote) : on
the other hand, in none of the remaining thirty-eight Biblical names
with 7^ prefixed, and in none of the seventy-nine names to which
n''' !2t^) or nt^ is prefixed, is the second element a noun with a
suffix. In the present group of names this feature has a parallel in
rr^DHT^- The name of the grandfather of two contemporaries
of Jeremiah, and therefore a Palestinian Jewish name used in the
seventh century B.C. (Jer. xxxii, 12 ; li, 59). The name also occurs
on the Berlin ostrakon.
rr^^T^. The same name probably occurs on the British
Museum ostraka (from Egypt), though in C.I.S., ii, 138, A3, the
letters (n''«T'1) are not treated as containing a proper name. Both
in form and meaning the name resembles well-known names : —
(i) Meaning: cp. the Biblical 'rb^'^^T, which is also Nabataean
{C.I.S., ii, 258) and Palmyrene (de Vogiie, xciii, 3). Render:
Yahweh judges. (2) Form : cp. n"^2I]^. Personal names in which
an im])erfect precedes a divine name are comparatively uncommon,
and occur mostly in and after the seventh century B.C. {H.F.N.,
215-218).
n'^^T^. The name of two contemporaries of Jeremiah and nine
261
JfNE lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.F.OLOGV. [1903.
Other persons mentioned later (in Chr., Ezra, and Neh.); see
H.P.N., p. 294, No. 79, and j). 118 ff.
n"^-^^f- The name of nearly thirty persons mentioned in the
O. T. Three of these lived in the eighth century n.c. : the rest
either lived after the Exile or are mentioned only in Chr., Ezra, and
Neh.; H.P.N., p. 288, No. 27.
n^^'i^. The name of two of Jeremiah's contemporaries.
Vn^^- The name of two persons mentioned in the O.T.
(2 Sam. vi, 3; I Chr. viii, 31). One was a contemporary of David.
V is a comparatively rare form of niH^ at the end of compounds,
but occurs elsewhere, especially on old H&hr. !?itag/ios ; cp. T'^t^,
V^r\^ WJ^ 1"'"lU*' VIT'ir, ViniZ? ; for references see Lidzbarski ;
see also Noldeke, in Encyc. Bihl. ("Names," § 25); Clermont-
Ganneau, Etudes (V Archeologie (1896), § 25.
Leaving i^^n^ out of consideration, we have ten names to
consider, those namely of four witnesses and their fathers, and of
the scribe and his father.
1. Six at least of these ten names contain the name Yahweh, five
of the six actually occur in the O.T., two of them (Zechariah and
Malchiah) are names particularly common among the Jews from the
time of Jeremiah onwards. Clearly then we have to do here with
Jeifis/i na?)ies. We cannot indeed infer with certainty that all the
names are Jewish ; it is possible, if ''"^"inn'^ does not contain the
name Yahweh, that the first two signatories were not Jews. It may
in particular be observed that each man whose name is compounded
with n^ is the son of a man with a similar name, whereas each man
whose name is not compounded with n^ is likewise the son of a
man from whose name H"' is absent (if ^"^inn"' does not contain
n^). But this is in accordance with a tendency (to which I have
elsewhere drawn attention — ff.P.IV., p. 8 f ) to perpetuate names of
the same type in the same family. It is in any case at least equally
probable that all ten names (and not only the last six) are Jewish,
and it is worth while to consider the group on the hypothesis that it
is homogeneous. Some of the following remarks will start from this
hypothesis.
2. Of the six certain compounds with TV, five were already
current among the Jews in Palestine in or before the time of
Jeremiah. The remaining name (H'^^T') resembles in form and
meaning Palestinian names of the same (though scarcely of a much
earlier) jjeriod. ^^'e may safely infer then that so far as names
262
June io] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
compounded with n^ are concerned, these Aramaic-speaking Jews
of Egypt were for the most part content to draw on a stock of
traditional names brought by their ancestors from Palestine, instead
of creating new ones. Yet occasionally they created new compounds
with n"^, if '^linn'^ be such, for it is not formed according to
Palestinian models. In the great (if not exclusive) preference for
names in which H"^ is the final and not the initial element, these
Jews resembled the post-exilic Palestinian Jews.
3. The entire absence of compounds with 't'^^ is interesting.
The comparative preference for compounds with H^ to compounds
with ^^ was at its height among the Palestinian Jews in the
seventh century b.c. ; compounds with 7b^ began to grow in favour
again in Palestine after the Exile {H.F.N., 256).
4. In the small proportion of simple to compound names con-
tained in it, this group resembles groups of Palestinian names from
the seventh century onwards, but differs from groups of earlier
Hebrew names, markedly from the names for example of the
Davidic Period {H. F. N., 183-187).
5. The existence in a group of Egyptian Jewish names of one or
two names ("^"^"litT^T^'C? and ? ^I'lnn'^) containing the names of
heathen deities need not surprise us in view of what is known of the
origin of the Jewish community in Egypt. A few even of the
captives in Babylon who retained their Jewish connection appear to
have adopted such names. •'^ But it is interesting to observe that the
unusual form of these names suggests that they were coined in
Egypt or borrowed from a (? heathen) source different from that
whence the compounds with TV were drawn.
6. The resemblances to Palmyrene names pointed out above
(especially under iH2t27QXi^) may have no significance; but they
are worth considering in connection with a similar resemblance,
which I have pointed out elsewhere {H.F.AL, 223), between a group
of Palmyrene and post-exilic Jewish names (the compounds with
-Fit)-
^ See H.P.N., 145 ; also Expository Times, x, 232 f.
263
JUNR lO]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^^.OLOGY.
[1903-
OSTRAKA.
Ostrakon I. (From Elephantine, belonging to Prof. Sayce.)
Convex Side.
nnlln n:v^ >
DID pn^ j-nt^T ^72^h pi^ntrrn ■
n\!?in n^^bn ab s
nb ^"in 9
Concave Side.
Convex.
L. I. Most of the first Hne is obhterated. The second word may
perhaps be [fc^lQJD. At the end perhaps il nh^^n- The
■^T or ^"^ may possibly belong to the line below.
L. 2. ^"TQ or '^')72' For "'fD Prof. Sayce suggests "^fn, and com-
pares i"jn ^t^ in line 3 of the concave side, but 3 is more
probable.
264
June io] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
L. 3. "T"^n*i"'T is very doubtful. The t is more like the word-
divider in line 4 of the papyrus. The "T may be a pi. Prof.
Sayce suggests "T''"^1L''^^ or "[""nXI^i^, in which case the t^ is
made as in the papyrus and not as in the ostraka.
L- 4- ^ID^ is clear. pD also occurs in Ostrakon IV, 1. 5, not pD
as in C.I.S. For b^pl^l^ Prof. Sayce reads IJl^tZ^. Prof.
Margoliouth reads ^^'^ h^tlSlT- If^l'^Dp here and in 11. 6
and 7, and ^^icp in 1. 5, are fairly clear. The first letter seems
to be a p, though its form is different from that in the papyrus.
The word is then unintelligible. Perhaps it may be a D, but
m that case it is quite different from that in pDH) ^nd it seems
unlikely that two forms would be used in one line.
L. 5. p^ is written over a flaw in the earthenware. The 3, is
fairly certain. The word may possibly be ''"1^3, or T^^,-
•^mntrin here, nitl^in in 1. 6, ^"itrin in 1. 8 and in
Ostrakon V, 1. 5, are apparently from "S^'^, in the sense of
"ratifying" a document. The use of jni'CJ'in in 1. 6 is in
favour of reading i^iroi in this line.
L. 6. VC:, □37 are very uncertain. The 3 might be a 1 or even
a D- In ^^ the letters are run together. It would be possible
to divide them so as to read "12 or "^2 •
In i^"^"'Cp the first letter is less like a D than in the other
forms. It would be unusually broadened even for n, and there
seems to be a space after it. It might perhaps be read i*^"^^^ "Ii,
or as some part of "^^T-
L. 8. ^"lll^in, the "^ is written above the "^ for want of space.
Traces of the under writing can be seen between 11. i and 2, the
word "I^^^'T) find between 11. 4 and 5, the words n''"!^^ It- There
are traces elsewhere, but they are not legible.
Concave.
L. I. T^n? the "5 is very like that in 1. 3 of the convex. t»%3D27)
the t^ is written above the line.
L- 3- m7n, cf- Ezra iv, 13, etc.
t^''n'li^7, the final t^ is clear.
"'■^D^t^Jlj the first letter is undoubtedly a jl- We should
expect C . The D1 are run together, and the D has a curious
form, but they are no doubt to be so read. The "i"> is written
above the line.
265
June lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH^.OLOGY. [1903.
L. 4. ^ /"^Ij the reading is fairly certain in the original. The last
letter might be a "T or ri. In the facsimile the word is more
like ?|7n or T^n ; 1 , H is hardly possible.
L. 5. "'t at the beginning might be ^^f .
L- 7- n2njt2, the last letter is actually a ^, but no doubt n is
meant, and the inside stroke has been omitted by mistake.
The two sides clearly relate to different matters, but what is the
subject of either is very uncertain. Prof. Saycejsuggests that the
concave side refers to the mixing of a potion.
(To be continued.)
GILGAMES.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., d-r.
The question raised by Dr. Pinches as to whether Gilgames
•' was regarded as the seventh of a succession of great men," reminds
me of a passage in Ovid {Metaph. iv, 213), in which it is said of
Orchamus : " isque Septimus a prisco numeratur origine Belo."
The first syllable of the name of Gilgames is sometimes represented
by the ideographs which denote the name of the Fire-god, and
since the Semitic pronunciation of the name of the Fire-god,
>->-y ^lii^cy, is said, in W.A.I. II, 47, 61, to have been Ur-ru, it
is possible to read the name of the Babylonian hero Ur(ru)-ga-mis.
The various forms of the name quoted by Dr Pinches illustrate the
method employed in Sumerian to represent names and words
phonetically, which I have endeavoured to explain in my Hibbert
Lectures on Babylonian Religion ; TTT^y, for instance, being ga.,
t:y gil and ^7, and ^I^^jl^y luil and //.
266
June io] COPTIC TEXTS, DIOSCORUS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1903.
COPTIC TEXTS RELATING TO DIOSCORUS OF
ALEXANDRIA.
By W. E. Crum.
The first series of fragments here edited is interesting as including
a remnant of a Coptic counterpart to that Life of Dioscoriis, the
Syriac version of which is being pubhshed in the Journal asiatique
by M. Nau.i What is printed here is however but the copy of a
copy. The originals, no longer, I fear, traceable, were seen and
transcribed, somewhere about 1845, by Arthur Des Rivieres ;~ they
were papyrus leaves, once in the celebrated Harris collection.
These transcripts were subsequently acquired by the Royal Library
at Munich, where they are numbered " MS. Copt. No. 3." ^
Des Rivieres gives no description of the leaves copied ; and their
relations one to another are indicated but vaguely when at all.
A connection among the originals of those copies here in question
jnay perhaps be inferred from the fact that their copyist has given
them consecutive numbers in his portfolio. In rearranging the
leaves here, I have followed, for the group A, the corresponding
texts in the Panegyric on Macarius of Tkoou,^ and for the group B,
those in the Syriac Life of Dioscorus, both these works having
.apparently been represented in the volume whence our leaves came
— though it remains indeed a mere assumption that these did all
icome froni a single volume. It is likewise but an assumption based
upon the remaining pagination, that the fragment here placed first in
A belongs to tliie Panegyric at all ; the extant Bohairic version
.certainly shows no such passage.
A — Leaf LXVIJI, paged 5, 6. — Preface to Panegyric (J).
LXXIJI, fol. I of 2d quire, i.e. ca. p. 20 = Miss. IV. 98.
LXIX, = „ 119.
^^ fourn. as., X"^ sei^e, I (1903) pp. 5-108 ; 241-310.
^ Other papers by him a). Munich are dated 1844-46 {v. Halm-Aumer, Verz.
ider or. Hss. I, iv, loi, 103). The copies of Des R. have furnished M. Maspero
with the fragments of the Psalter published in his Etudes I, 266 ff.
•'' V. Lagarde's short description in Aumer, I.e., 99.
•■* Mission francaise, IV, 92 ff.
267 T
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGV. [1903.
B — Leaf XCVI, = Syriac Life^ § 11.
XCVII aj^pears to belong here.
LXX, paged 309, 310 = Syriac Life, § 13.
LXXXIII, = „ § 17.
LXXII, = „ § 18.
LXXI, paged 357, 358 = ,, i^ 19.
XCII, = „ last§(?).
As regards the two other fragments relative to Dioscorus here
printed or translated, the first, no. 8084 of the Cairo Museum, is
from a parchment MS. of about the 13th century; the rhetorical
style points perhaps to an Encomium. I'he second, of which Zoega
(no. clxv) has already printed the text, may, on palceographical
grounds, be placed one or two centuries earlier.
By the same scribe as this last is a small fragment in the British
Museum (Or. 3581 B, 41), bearing the figures "kb. If this is a quire-
number, its page should be about 340 or 350. But the incident it
narrates (the prophecy of the hermit John and its false transmission
by the Nestorians) is clearly connected with that on pp. 251, 252 of
Zoega's fragment of the same MS. It is therefore difficult to fit this
into either of the versions which we at present know. Zoega's text
has the appearance of an Encomium, but its nature cannot definitely
be decided. "^
I should add that Des Rivieres' copies are frequently obscure,,
leaving the proper readings quite doubtful. I regret that I did not
however copy all his texts, but, in the case of some of the smallest
fragments, merely made translations from them.
LXVIII. P. o
UHAUTO CHiOA (UjCili TtOr e\tOpiir(:l IIAI [i»]llOV()V|K)T
iinGnApoiiiioii uii(ii"K(oui()ii Avto (K|(,coK yjA|H)(| ecoq
lllllll lllKXj llirrAK) IIAIIOCTOAIKOII [ei]TI II l(K|()VpOT
IIAI [(ncjjMO iiiioo .\(:()\-p(3(|[l' r]Ap (-(jpoovT ii^iit(?)
[epenJiiovTG ii(3 iiii()(| [. . . .]ii eimrpeiiiK; [ ]oc
GTOVAAB [ ]kH . . . P«J^|
p. V
unAp3Ci6riicKono(i eTovAAr. AiocKopoo irnilooov iiac|
eiicoiy (JBOA uiinenpcxhiiTiu; gtovaab aavgia eusto
I II IOC AoiiAiATq iinptoiK; {3T(;mii(|B(uk ?iiruyo3:ii6
■'' Krall's text {Mitlh. Rain, iv, 63 if.) differs from tlicse in liaving Dioscorus
himself as narrator.
268
June io] COPTIC TEXTS, DIOSCORUS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1903.
uiiAceBHG GunqA2(3 pATC| eiTeeiH iiiipGqpiiOB6 eunqe-
LIOOG eiTKAOGApA IIIKJAOIIIOG AAAA 6[p6nGqO'r](JL)[^]
^[oon eiiniioilOG]
LXXIII. P. ? (ist folio of qu. b.)
[^LGqGOOVII UnAIAKO]llOG 6TIIIIAV e[un20] AVOJ IITGI^e
Ai2[tuii] GTOorq iiriA^'jHpG TiuoeGOG :xGeApGe GpoK Gpoq •
IJTGpil3:(JUOVII G[liOA] 2lipAKOT6 Umi[AV] lipOV?G AqilKOTK
2IOVGA em,\()l IITOq IIIIIIGqpUJIJG A|[||]kOTK etOtOT UIIIJA-
jyHpC eiOVGA AqGI AG CepAl eUTnA^yC IITGV^H IICTI AHA
IIAKApiOG n6:VAq 3CGriAGKOT HApXIGniGKOnOC KpHG AIIOK
[Ag] AIIIGeGG UnGTpOG riAIAKOIIOC nG:XA[l||j
[cbtJcotot ggi hubiaii [avbcok] giigvhi nc^TAi IIAq
:;s6GKCoovii [tcoii] nG^wq iiai xg giiiav Gpo[i]^ htgviiov
[eJnOVeopOIIA GperiGniGKOnOG GTOVAAB AHA 'IWTG UHGOI
[nJllAprvpOG 6TOVAAB A?GpATq CpGIIGHIGKOnOG TUpOT
eTLIUAV AeGpATOT AVCO AIIOK IILIIIAK GIIAeGpATII eUJUJII
AilJAT UneopOIJA GeGIIKAOLI 6VnpGIU30V . . . . 6T?l2i:MTeiJ-
[ahJg THpii Aicrto^T [on] AIIIAV GABAIIAIGOG [riAp\l]6-
[niGKonoG]
LXIX.
[ ]novA[. . . .] [ ]g hg [. . . .] novA
epGoviioo^ iiiiopT uuoq uiioviioo" iiqto hgag hg-
TllllAV IIAI AGAIOCKOpOG I IRGKCOVtOIIT ^IGAIirillU HG^CAI
XGiiicoovii All :v:giitgtijiiili nG:x:Aq iiai ixgaiiokhg
icju2a[ii]iihc n^npG iit;a\apiag taiiaavtg gaigabht
TGVrrGIIHG IIIIApiA TIIAAT UnG\C FIAGOII GTk[uAV
uij]oq iiToqnG ga[icaiog] nGnpoc^HTHC [Av]to Aqt-
[uoov (;>:ii]:/ii|
ljpu[TKOOV GpG]nGqGa)[uA IIAjyUJnG] 2AeTMIJGIIK[6GC]
lITCpiTCOOVII [ag] epAl euneopOLIA AIMGeGG IlllOq a[|TA]-
ovG neopoiiA Gp[o(j] iiToq AG nci^Aq iiai a'g Aiiniiu
AIIOK GpGIIAGCJUUA IIA[ov]toe 2A2TIII IKGG[g u]n6npOApO-
UQG UnXOGIG UlinG[lJTA]nGnTlA li2HAGIA[c k]U3B GepAl
" So Boh. Not space for GpOOT.
269 T 2
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
e,\a)[(j ll]T(:pil(;l A(: (H l[(-KpO A](|OVIie IKUOII [lltTI
iineTJovAAii aii[a iiakajjioo] <:|jeii(;t)[^r.ooo]
LXX. P. TO, ist fol. of quire KA.
HAGItOT At|TAVO Unei^JAAG eqXCO UUOC XOfllAOVtOTIi
IIOTHA^y eunANOVT6 AHHA^'J O'lHU^'Jtj AIIOSI A(; [aII]-
IIOV2II • irr(;p(;iiiKoe ao oikjOtaaioii iiKdMriAiniiiOi'-
IIOAIC nOAO IIARItOT I II lAI II iponiOG A(3GIG IIIIA inilOV
I1A?IIGK UIIOII (3K:yAII6l IIIIIIAII [?iri] Kr.U)[piG]T(5IA
C6[lIA . . ]aK [iiJtOOTOV [iKFI ll]p[(OH(;] IIIIIIA (-T-
[UUAT ]aAK2|J
p. TT.
iineniGKonoc urAn^pA iieoTACGiiiiG rApno ^iiiieqGuoT
TAXA TAP NGCTtOpiQG nGIITAC|nO*'JIIGt| IIGniGKOnOG •
IITepGt|IIAV AG GriACitOT HG.XAC) I IFIGIAGHTIOG A:GIIIIIII(-
HAI riGAA(j IIAq A:GAI()GK()p()(i I lAAGV.AI lApGlOG ilA(3l(Or
AG iiGt|A?GpATq Gpenen[iGK]on()[G gt]ijiiav ^ju)[og]
nG:XAcj MAC) 3:ggii
LXXII.
[0V6]pUTG IIII6GUOT lIDVpGqTCOli? A()AIIA?TG IIOVOVpACJ
HKBOTA AG 2tOtOq AqtUAK HTGt)0"IA: Gp()(| ?II()VHI ITUOVA
HOG ll()VO\MIA2 ATGI ^'JAnAGItOT GT^^CO IIIIOG ^pAI
ll^HTOV A:GG^'JtOnG OTpiOIIG I ITG llllOVTGnG (jllAGOOVII
A'GAIIOII eGllA^y [ ]CU[. . . .]aVCO [ ]
HAT [ ]6:^|
TGTIiniGTKi (-eoVII GIIGVG UApGGJ'J(t)IIG 1111111 IIGAAV
XGAIIOII ^(;lli()VAAI llirrAIIIIIGriG G^OVII GIIGVG IKJAG
HAGICOT IIAV :XGG^AG 1111111111 lllGTKi G^OVII Gil(]\n
BCOK 6TCTIIO IICTAAG AVCO IIO\VIIA^ HTGVHOV AIIGVCTIA'
[ ] ()AK[0T2|j
Lxxi. P. Tfir,.
?CGIip()GTAV.(J IIGtOI ."JAIITG^G()^HT Gl Gp()(| UIIOII A(|p^OTe
lUnilllA'i* AG [A()]lip()GrAV.G All()[ll] [A(3 I|]|IIIGIII(3 A(;A[. .
. . . ii]gimiiav[ ii]()i-i(; aiig?[ ]irr(| Gpou
GA[li:Xi] (iliOA i'IIIIIIV(n-|ipiOII GTOVAAIl ?llj^|
270
June io] COPTIC TEXTS, DIOSCORUS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1903.
P. TMH.
ne3:6 nAenor iiac) .xeeKiieeve ^'Gii[oA]noov iiuATe iiai
^oon All i.\(o iiiioc iiAK xecon [iiiii el]iiAC|iiipoGc|)opA
[. .]va[. .]ii nTeT[pAn6(t.]A ^yApt3ii[Ai 61 ej^^uneer-
(MA[CTHpK)]ll AAAA I riA[n I lOVTO] OTtU^y GT3II
A— Munich LXVIII.
[p. 5] ... in my presence, being ready gladly to furnish
(xf^'PT/etv) for me the preface (Trapoijiuou =: Trpoot'/moi') of
the Encomium and bringing upon himself (?) apostolic
(aTToffToXiicoi') honour by his gladness, whereof it is said : "
God loveth a cheerful giver the holy ....
[p. 6] the holy archbishop {apxicTriaKoiro^) Dioscorus and (that)
we glorify him, crying with the holy prophet (7^/3o0.) David
and saying : ^ ' Blessed is the man that hath not walked in
the counsel of the ungodly {a<rel3ri<i) nor stood in the way of
sinners and hath not sat in the seat (Ka9ccpa) of the scornful
(Xoi^tov) ; but {(tWu) his desire is in the law {u6/j.o9)
LXXIII. (ist fol. of quire B.)
[that he knew that] deacon (cidicovo^) by sight. And thus I bade
my son Timothy, (saying :) Keep thyself from him. When
we were come forth from Rakote (= Alexandria), at the time
of evening, he lay down upon one side in the ship, he and
his people, while I laid myself with my children upon an
(other) side. But (ce) Apa Macarius came in, in the middle
of the night, and said : ' My father archbishop, wakest thou ? '
But (ce) I waked Peter the deacon (ctaKoiw^) and said [unto
him]
[that had] made ready to come with us, have gone to
their houses.' I said unto him: 'Whence knowest thou?'
He said unto me : ' I saw (?) even now in a vision (opajna)
how the holy bishop {iwiaKoiro's) Apa Psate of Psoi, the holy
martyr {napTvpo^) was standing and all the other bishops there
standing (by) and I and thee, we stood (there) also ; (and) I
saw in the vision {ilp.) how shining crowns did . . . upon
the heads of us all. And I looked moreover (and) saw
Athanasius the archbishop
^ 2 Cor. ix, 7 (Br. Mus., Or. 3579 B, 54). ^ ps_ ;^ i_
271
June io] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-liOLOGY. [1903.
LXIX.
. . . the one , the other having a great beard and much
hair. The same spake unto me, saying : ' Dioscorus, knowest
thou not who I am ? ' I said : ' I know not who ye be.'
He said unto me : ' I am John the son of Zacharias and my
mother (was) EHsabeth, the kinswoman {avy/ci'ii<}) of Mary,
the mother of Christ. My brother whom thou seest, he is
EUsaius the prophet (~/>o0»}t//5) ; and he put water upon '
[Elias' hands]
. . man of Tkoou, his body (ffw/ia) [shall be] beside our
bones.' [But (re)] when I had arisen from the vision (opa^ia),
I woke him (and) related to him the vision (op.). But (ce)
he said unto me : ' Who am I that my body should dwell
beside the bones of the Lord's forerunner (TrpoBpofio^) and of
him upon whom the spirit {irveu/xa) of Elias was doubled ? '^
But {he) after that we were come unto the [harbour], the holy
Apa Macarius followed after us, his [raiment] being
B— XCVI.
. . . ' [Leo], the impious, that was bishop of Rome. I anathe-
matise all those who, in whatsoever wise it be, shall receive
them or whoso shall preach any word contrary to the dogma
of our fathers, whose names we (?) have set forth ' . . . .
. . . Anathema unto the synod of Chalcedon, which did ascribe
unto the One and Only, our Lord Jesus Christ, two natures,
after the ineffable union. And I anathematise every one
that' . . .
XCVIL A stnall fragment^ apparetitly related to the preceding.
The speaker attacks the ' Nestorians.'
LXX. [p. 309] . . . ray father, (and) he spake these words, saying : '^^
' I will pass through a snare by (the help of) my God. The
snare is broken and (ce) we are delivered.' But (ce) when
we had reached the stadia {a-racioi' pi.) of Constantinople,
my father spake unto Pamprepios, saying : ' Lo, here now is
the place. Save thyself. Else, if thou go with us into exile
{C^oi>i(Trei(t), the men of that place will '
' 2 Kings ii, 9. '" Cf. Ps. cxxiv, 7.
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June io] COPTIC TEXTS, DIOSCORUS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1903
[p. 310] . . . the bishop (eV.) of Gangra. For ('/n'/j) he was of
a wicked (ao-e^*)?) nature; for indeed (70^ rdxa^^) it was
Nestorius had ordained him bishop (eV.). But (Be) when
he had beheld my father, he said unto the silentiary
(ffcXeuTio's = ? (TiXevTidpio^) : 'Who is this?' He said unto
him : ' Dioscorus the Alexandrian ' (aXe^dudpeto'^). Now (^e)
my father was standing, (while) that bishop (eV.) sat. He
said unto him :
Lxxxin.
[J?ecfo.] . . . took him (?) and arose and went forth to meet
him. And so soon as he beheld him, he spake this fitting
hymn (/neXo^^, saying: '[I found] Israel hke unto a vine in
the desert and like a fig-tree.^- Thou hast , oh, my
father'
[Verso.] . . . the archimandrite fell at his feet and kissed them,
saying : ' I pray (?) and adore the place whereon thy feet
stand. For my (?) feet have stood upon holy ground, until
they reached (?) the bush (/3hto9) '
Lxxn.
. . . [his] feet after the manner of a suppliant (and) he held a
staff.^'^ But (ce) the other bent his hand in deceit, like one
maimed. They came unto my father, saying within them-
selves : ' If he be a man of God, he will know that we
are '
. . . ' Let it be unto you according to your faith (tt/o-t*?) in
Christ.' They said : ' "We be Jews ; we have not faith in
Christ.' My father said unto them : ' If ye have not faith
in Christ, depart, being lame and maimed.' Forthwith their
hands bent
LXXI.
[P- 357] • • •) saying: 'Follow thou after (? ■n-poffrd^c'^*) me until
he come to himself. Verily he hath been terrified.' And
(ce) he followed after (Trpoa-d^e) him. But (ce) we knew
not that man . . . Scarcely (/Ao'7/9) did the
him to us. When we had [received] of the holy mysteries
(^jiiv(TTt']pioi') in
^^ V. F. Robinson, Apocr. Gosp., 182 ; Crum, Copt. Ostr., no. 290.
'2 Cf. Hos. ix, 10. 1' V. Peyron, Gram., 180.
" One expects some liturgical expression. The Syriac has U3| , 'preach.'
273
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1903,
. . . My father said unto him : ' Thinkcst thou that, except
to-day only, this befalleth not? I say unto thee that every
time whereon I make the offering {-poafjiopd) the
table (T/jf(-e^«), these (?) [do come ?] upon the altar (dva.).
But (aWd) God harh willed that'
XCII. {A small fraginent.)
* [The]opistus the dea[con] they told me of the death
of the most impious Marcian '
Cairo, no. 80S4.
[Fol. a.] 2IJBOTAOC xene\one e:ua)nG rippone eie
TATOJOVII TAIUUK GliOA ll?HTC • tO IIAppilCIA
c3cnpoiiei iiTiiiiTovAAri • to aao ec|c|)()p(3i iiii-
iiovre iiAue ^'JA?pAi ene[i6]ppo iiero iieppo
eXUHKA? Tlip() • ATTAIipO IIAICKOpOC {sic) TA20q
eq'rei iituutiioo- iimiovTe^ll
[Fol. h.'] 2:|jA]llOKpillG IIIKjOVtU^Ii IIA(| AAAV • neAA(|
iiAV 3:{3en: iiGTeii2vn()KpA<|)G iitoot aii mtatg-
TII?VnOKpA(t)G GTGVKAOepGGIG HAAill Oil AVKA
piOOV • ACIOTtO^Jli MOM OVIipOTGKTCOp I ITG lippo
GllG{|pAim6 IIGIKIIAAG IIG:VAq :XGA?G AAHOOG
IIGniGKOIlOO eilOVIIH • ACjKTOq AG [iicri ilG]niG-
KoiKx^ ir^^ I^^TGii G?ovii Gvi II rrpGq[^u]^G-
GIAC0a[0I|] eiJIIGIKOV[l li]^AG^ Gqeirf^^O'ix
ova[g:;|^ ^|tGTIIAA2^|;
[fol. a\ namely Christ, If it be the king, then I will
arise and go forth from it.' Oh, boldness {jTitppt]<Tni) that
befitteth (Trpi-eiv) holiness ; oh, tongue that truly beareth
((popeiv) God, even unto that king who is king over the
whole earth ! The words (///. mouth) of Dioscorus reached
him, declaring (///. giving) the greatness of God
[fol. b'\ . . . reply {u-uKplueiv), he answered him nothing. He
said unto them : ' Lo, ye sign {h-n-o^ipucjiGiv) not after me, ye
that have (?) signed their deposition (k-adalpeats).' Again
{7rd\ti') they held their peace. There answered a protector
{jrpw-cKTwp) Q){ the king named Niketas ^^ and said: 'Yea,
'^ Who befriended Dioscorus at Constantinople (Miss, franc., IV, 140).
274
June io] COPTIC TEXTS, DIOSCORUS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1903.
verily (aXijdivv), (he is?) in truth the bishop (e-.) '
to idolatry in this small branch in . . . hand, neither
(oi'Ce)
Zoega, no. CLXV.
[p. 241] . . . they made haste and came in and sat upon the
seats {KaOecpa) and the thrones {Opovov) that were there.
And they rejoiced and were glad at the loss of their own
souls {^I'x^]), as the wicked {aaeji!j<) rejoice. Now (ce ovv)
the holy Dioscorus, since {ia) the matter (weighed) heavy
upon him, because that (it) had already been revealed unto
him by the vision (upaua) that he had seen, would in no wise
join himself unto them ; and (^e) he hesitated ^^ (?) to go in.
But (cg) these wicked men (nfrej^ip), as (a-?) they were the
first to enter in, did sit down upon the seats and thrones
that were there : and they left not there one throne (9p6i'o?),
for (yap) they were very man}-. Moreover, the impious
(f/ffe/^/ys) ]Marcian had thought that, through this multitude of
bishops (eV.), his design should lay hold of the whole world
(o'lKovuei'tj). But (ce) the holy Dioscorus held not (longer ?)
back from entering in to the synod (cvvecpiov) of these vain
transgressors (7rapa^aTij<>) ; but (aXXa), as he entered, he
repeated (fj-eXe-rav) the holy words, saying : ^' ' Thou shalt
not be with a multitude to do evil (Kak-ia), neither (ovce) shalt
thou put thy hand with a multitude for to turn aside and
bring to nought a judgment.' What then (70/3) is the
judgment which they have destroyed but (ei/j.t}Ti) the con-
fession {6fio\o-/ia) of the Only, the Indivisible Christ, whom
they have divided ? Instead of (av-t) confessing (duo\o-/e7i')
a single nature (0i'(T(y) of God the ^^'ord (Xo-/©?) who took
flesh {(jdp^), they, in their blasphemy, have divided Him into
two natures, having trodden under foot and trampled upon
(tca-a-a-reti') the law (I'ouo^). And therefore doth the shame
of the prophet (jrpocp.) befit them, who formerly spake of their
impurity, saying unto them that were with them :^^ 'They have
cast forth the law (i'o'hov) and have not rendered a just
judgment; for the wicked («f7e/3/)«) doth violence unto the
'^ This locution, which recurs below, is unknown to me. It might mean
'was last to go in.'
'' Exod. xxiii, 2. ^^ Habac. i, 4, 5 ; Ac. xiii, 41.
275
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
righteous (c/kuios:). For this cause shall judgment go forth
perverted. Behold, ye despisers {k-mfK/ipoi'ij-ii'i), and wonder
and perish (sic exj>/.).
[p. 251] ^9 to the harbour of Constantinople and the entries to
the city (tto'X^*), desiring to learn the answer (uTroKptai^) that
the holy John had sent unto the king. And when he had met
them, he related unto them the words, saying : " The prophet
{7ri)o(p)')Tij<.) said unto me, Say unto Marcian, ' If thou keep
the right faith (W(tt(v), like as thou didst receive it at the
hand of king Theodosius that was before thee, God shall
grant (x"P^t^"') unto thee thirty-five years; if thou art false
thereunto in any wise, God shall visit thee without delay.'
But (ce) those evil men (ao-e/^?;?) besought {TrapaKaXeiu) him
saying: ' Relate not the answer {(WoKpiais) thus unto the king,
but according to the number of years which the prophet
(Trpocp.) did say we will give thee a pound (X«t/j«) of gold.
Take then (Xonroi') thirty-five pounds (/\(.) of gold and relate
the saying unto the king merely {a7r\ou^-) as, ' The prophet
(7r/3o0.) told me saying : Say unto the king, Thou shalt
[p. 252] pass other thirty-five years in thy reign.' But (ce)
after he had received the gold at the hands of the Nestorians,
he went in unto the king and related unto him the answer
(uTroh:.) saying: 'Thou shalt have other thirty years.' (And)
he abandoned himself, thinking, ' Thus far only did the
prophet say.' Then (Xonr^r) he became careless as to his
soul (V'J^Xv)) until he made this great schism ((tx'o-/<o>«) in the
church (ckkX.) of God, when the godless Jews drew up a
public notice (x«/^'^'/^) Trp^ecjua) and published it commonly
(cy^ioai'a) in Constantinople, concerning this king, Marcian,
after that he had dismissed the synod (frvi'ocov) of Chalcedon,
having written it in mockery and contempt of that polluted
synod {avuoc.). And (ce) it was written in this form (tvtto^) :
'Up till this day all thought it was a god the Jews had
crucified ((TTuvpooi^). But (Pie) after that the synod (cvuoc.)
was gathered at Chalcedon and had declared unto all by
those things which they did approve {BoKijnd^cn>) that'
(sic exp/.).
'« C/. here the Syriac ' Life,' § 8.
276
June io] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE HITTITE
INSCRIPTIONS.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., etc.
{Cotitimied from page 194.)
I have now exhausted the list of names which it is at all possible
to identify, with the exception of that of the Hamath king. The
first character composing it is a modified form of the couch, the
second an ideograph which must not be confounded with the
symbol of supremacy, from which it is always distinct. The third
character is the knife, the fourth n. Of the Khattina kings known
to us from the Assyrian monuments, the only two with names
terminating in -n are Lubarna and . . . sun, whose name may be
completed as Luba-sun, At all events one of the Hittite antagonists
of Rameses II was Luba-sunna, " the leader of the archers of Annas."
In the geographical lists of Ramses III at Medinet Habu j--;/-« in
the name of the town Kil-senn(a) is explained by the ideograph of
" house."
The verb T^^/^ with the determinative [} (the symbol of
authority) attached to it is found in H. IV, 3, and we may infer that
it represented a stem ending with -ti. In H. V, i there are two
determinatives, the head or " chief," and the ideograph of authority.
If, therefore, simna means " house," the word before us can have
nothing to do with it, and we have to fall back on the name of
Lubarna. In this case <CS^ would be lu, <p^ ba, and A ar or ur.
On the other hand the word represented by the knife when it signifies
"conqueror," or something similar, as in Bor i, terminates in -i
(op. M. 2), and in M. 2 and 3, as we have seen above, it is attached
to the syllable si. Now in the Malatiyeh inscription the word
represented by the knife begins with s : may we not therefore read
sun and conclude that the Hamath king was really called Luba-
sunna ?
277
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILKOLOGY. [1903.
The phonetic vahies ah-eady ascertained enable us to determine
the name of a tree which is used ideographically in the middle of a
word. In Bor 3 we have after the word " city" and before the word
" king " : Y }|^ 9flo N /If © T , ya-7ia-\Yi.-tu-a-mes-ya, the oblique
wedge after the vowel indicating that it expresses an abbreviated
syllable. In H. V, 5 (and 4) we get the same word after the
double-headed battle-a.xe, and with the determinative {jna-d) of
yj J CL_7 w Q^ ,
ti-iD-fii-tie-in.-inis-ya {In/infitsya). Elsewhere -mis is the suffix of the
plural, and it is clear that the tree must have been called inda or
yanada. Is Yantu (Antu) or Yantumis (Antumis) the name of a town
like Anda-balis ? In the Andaval text the name is perhaps written
I 2) °ila I Q:^ c?=^> ^ [oflo]' VA\n-tai:i)-mii:^)-is-a-na-s, with the
determinative of district, and in Bor 3 we find the accusative
\i^4
^ \!/ op n 7 Tf An-tii-a-si-n (without the plural sign). We thus
get the values of three fresh characters.
Of characters the phonetic values of which can be fixed there
remains only ^ , which is peculiar to Malatiyeh. It there forms the
affix of the genitive and first person of the verb, and is inserted
between \a and a in the demonstrative pronoun. It thus appears to
take the place of ;/// (?) or w, but is more probably e or /.
The ideograph which follows the demonstrative pronoun in this
inscription is the picture of a gate with the determinative of "place "
attached to it. Then we have s with the ideograph of knife and the
verbal suffix ;. S will be the beginning of some word signifying to
"cut" or "carve," and the signification of the whole phrase will be,
" This gate-way I have carved."
Another word, the meaning of which can be ascertained, is
aflo ^ F|n-, ^ J which in J. 111, 5 is preceded by the deter-
minative of a class of persons and followed by the suffix of the plural
-as. Then come the names of three gods with the same suffix {a)-s,
so that the word must have some such signification as "ministers."
We have the same word in Karaburna 3 without the final -s and
followed by the ideographs of "king," "place" (with the suffix 71a)
278
June io] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
and "god."^ The word reads m-?ni (^)-?n-a or i?ieiima, and thus is
identical with the word memi-s^ which, as I have pointed out in the
Proc. S.B.A., 1 90 1, p. 18, is the word used in the language of
Arzawa for "servant."
'ihe sianification of several other ideographs and corresponding
words has already been made out in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs
a la Philologie et i r Archeologie egyptiennes et assyrienries, XV,
(1893), and the Proceedings of this Society, 1899. For the evidence
I must refer my readers to the Papers therein printed. The picture
of a house or temple Iff with the phonetic complement -n (J. i, 3),
which reminds us of S2in7ia " a house," is frequently coupled with
H. I %. ^y^^^i which must consequently have much the same signi-
fication, and to which accordingly I assign the meaning of " shrine." ^
Thus in J. in, 3 we have iD.-*-ji'a^-DET. i-jasi-n^r., "the house
of . . (and) the shrine," where the determinative of "place" is
attached to both words; J. iii, 5, "making these {iyais) priests for
the shrine of the god," (iyasi-//n'(?) ana-ma) ; H. V, 2, iyasi-na-
'D'Ei. ya-nid atia-s-n, "a shrine here belonging to the gods," where
again the determinative of " place " is used. So too in the Bowl
inscription, where we also have at the beginning, " This bowl for
Sandan {San-da-t>n7) in (?) the shrine (iyasi-ta) I the king have
made." ""
The ideograph for "making," "appointing," &c., is the builder's
trowel {Proc. S.B.A., 1899, p. 210). This must be distinguished
from the column which supports the winged sky in the "edicule"
at Bcghaz Keui, and is used ideographically in the sense
' So too at Gurun, 1. 6, det. m-i/ii{})-i/i-a before "city," and "the supreme
god SI and the supreme god Tarku." In Bab. 6 the names of the gods are
replaced by those of the king and Sandan in the nominative, and f>i-mi(})-m-a is
preceded by " city of the caduceus " with the genitive suffix -/. At Bulgar
Maden (5) the accusative m-viiA^)-m-n with the determinative of a class of
persons is followed by the name of the god Sandan, " the god of the city." [The
phonetic value of the boot resulting from Prof. Ramsay's identification of Euasai,
shows that we must read m-eti-m-a.^
- The determinative of city is attached to iyasi-ta, " in the shrine," on a frag-
ment from Carchemish now in the British Museum (Messerschmidt, XVa, 3).
"* This is the more natural interpretation of the words, but they could also be
rendered : " This bowl for the shrine of Sandan I the king have made." But -ta
is more probably the sign of the locative. " I the king have made " is a-hi-us
a-i-ga-ya, where the verbal form ai-ga-ya must be compared with au-ijian-i,
" I have despatched," in the letter of Arzawa.
279
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
of "establishing," " sujiporting." Both occur on the Izgin ObeHsk
(D. I and 11). In J. hi, 4 the phonetic complement ga is
attached to the first, which must therefore have either been
pronounced ^a or have ended in that syllable. Perhaps we have
the verb written phonetically in the Bowl inscription, ga-m2\?)-Ji,
"they have (?) made."
The human head takes the place of the ideograph of " king "
in Bab. I. In J. iii, 2 it is prefixed to the word " dirk-bearer,"
possibly in the sense of " chief." Here the determinative of a class
of persons is written ^;^ in J. 11, i, it is the lower part of the face
^ ; at Malatiyeh it is ^ . At Izgin and Hamalh, as we have seen, the
doll and the head with the arm pointing to the mouth are used with
-me to represent the vowel a. In the inscriptions and seals of
Western Asia Minor the ideograph for " king " is |/v?, which is
found scarcely at all elsewhere (but cp. J. v, 3). At Tyriaion it is
preceded by the determinative 1?.
Our knowedge of Hittite grammar, it will be seen, is still but
rudimentary. The nominative singular ends in ~s, that of the plural
in -{a)s. The accusative terminates in -n, an oblique case in a
vowel. The suffix -mi (?) or -ui (?) denotes a dative, -wJ, locality,
while -fa may mark the locative. Adjectives agree with their
substantives as in the Indo-European languages, and common forms
of the adjectives are in -yas, -nas and -sis, as well as in -mis and
mas." The verb has a first person singular ending in -ya or -/, the
' Another determinative (that of the class of priests) being ^.
- Since Q) , "place," is ma, it is possible that the adjectival ending -7>ias
denoted " belonging to the land of." In this case we could explain Gargames-md
in J. Ill, 2, "The dirk-bearer (and) traverser (?) of the sanctuary of Carchemish,
the Hittite." So, too, in H. IV, i, det. Am-ma-ar-iiii(})-is-m a dep. I'D.-ya
ana-vie-ya iD.-wi(?)-}'a, " in the land of the god Amurru of the god . . the kingly,
the powerful," where -Mil is coupled with the genitival -j'a. The suffi.x -mis, on
the other hand, signifies " belonging to," .Sandames, for example, being, like
Sanda-is, "he who belongs to Sandan." On the Kouyunjik seals it is noticeable
that ID. Sanda-vte-s means " the seal of Sandan." -Nas is used both as a gentilic
and as a patronymic suffix (as in Vannic or Greek), and -qas in the Agrak text
may possibly be a patronymic. By the side of the suffix -dyas (Bor 2) we also
have -dya-na-yas, or -dyanas (And. 2). As for the cases of the noun, perhaps we
have a genitive plural in -«-« in H. V, 2, and another plural termination in -« in
H. V, 4. See above (p. 174) for evidence that the plural suffix mi's (or t's?) also
had the value of d>i.
2S0
June io] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
suffix of the third person plural ends in -n. There seem also to be
prefixes of which ai- may be an instance in the Bowl inscription.
The suffix -ii)si which we find in ]\L 3, 4, &c., may be identical
with the Boghaz Keui suffix -izzi. Amei is " I " or " I (am)," atna
"of me," f>ieri (and )/ies) the accusative (and nominative) of the first
personal possessive pronoun. The demonstrative is \d or ya-a,
with the lengthened suffixal forms ya-ma, ya-mis, and ya-mes,
("myself"): we also haye yas-ma and the plural ya-is. There
were, however, doubtless local variations, and I suspect that the
suffix ;/// {}) was in some places pronounced -// or -7va. One suffix
could be added to another ; thus at Karaburna we find Sinas
and Sinas-7iia-nais. In the language of Arzawa the adverb ended in
-nda, and we may have a similar adverb in H. V, 5, iD.-da
" mightily."
The demonstrative appears sometimes to be placed after its noun.
Compare, at all events, J. iii, 4 and 5. In the first passage we
have, . . . me-n iD.-H{a) DKr.-gaI-It-n(a) ara(})-mi{?) ya-e(?)-;;!-a iv.-na
ga-(j)s, " who hath appointed {participle) my . . . , the prince (?),
the gallos-priest of the god in this city," where ara (?) means per-
haps "city." In the second we read, iD.-«(rt) i-yas-i-7?ii(^)-na-m-a
ya-is DET.-ID. galii-as ga-{i)s, "who has appointed these priests in
the chapel." We find a parallel to the first passage in H. V, 2 :
. . fueya A-MA-;/ia-fi id. id. -id. -a-?-me-n-n iD.-a det. A^a-NA'S-na-yas-
ma 1-si-fi anas-s-n i-yas-i-fia-tna ya-tn-a a/ias-s-u det. Am-wa-ar-mi(?)
is-ma, " of the (ruler) of Hamath, the king of the city of the
A . . menians, the ... in the land of the Sun-god, (and) of the gods
in this chapel (and) the gods in the land of the Amorite god." It
would seem, by the way, from a comparison of i-yas-i-?fii(^)-}m-i?i-a in
J. Ill, 5 and i-yas-i-na-7na in H. V, 2, that the boot really has the
value of e or yi, and not of mi. It is further clear that the two
characters which represent tia can also be used for the simple n of
the accusative singular (and genitive plural). Perhaps in this case
they denoted the sonent nasal n.
As an adjectival suffix, however, -71a can best be rendered
" belonging to." Thus iyasi-na would be " belonging to the chapel,"
as Khata-na is "belonging to the Hittite land." So in J. iii, 3 aha-
ga-li-na-s will be literally "belonging to the high priest."
In the passage I have quoted above from J. iii, 4, I have
assumed that I was correct in the Proc. S.B.A., 1899, in giving
<:!] ar the ideographic value 0^ gal. But when we compare J. in, 2
281
June io] SOCIETY Ol-^ BIBLICAL ARCH.liOLOGV. [1903.
T ^^^ ^ with J. Ill, 4 X^ fO ^ it seems better to give tlie
determinative the ideographic value of gal and to make c::H a/,
reading GX'L-li-ya in the first instance and GA.{L)-a/-/i in the second.
We shall thus be able to read the word ga- IT^' -s in M. I, 2, which
must mean " priest " or something of the sort, as ga-al{i)-s.
The suffix -na denotes " city," " country," as in Khatta-nas
" Hittite." Thus in B.M. i we have Sanda-n-ya-s galli-na-s, "priest
of the city of Sandes " (Kybistra), and in line 5 the instructive ard
Sanda-n-ya-s-ya-DET., "of the city of Sandes." The last form is
parallel with rt-r^z Ya-na-tii-a{i)-nas-ya, " of the city of Yantue(s) " in
Bor 3.1 Cp. ya-n-TV-ga{I)-a/-mis-ya in H. V, 5 by the side of A'-da-
gal-i-'D-ET., "of the city of Andakal," in the Kirsch-oghlu inscription.
The suffix -mts is plentiful in the proper names found in the
Greek inscriptions of Cilicia. Thus we have Arma-dapei-mis and
Herma-dapie-mis, where Arma seems to be the Hittite god Aramis,
and the name belongs to the same class as those of Tarkun-dapi
and San(da)-dapi. Similarly we find Nen-lormis corresponding to
]\Iar-larme (for Mur-larme, by the side of Tarkhu-lara, which has
been further Assyrianised into Marlarim-), as well as R6(m)-bigre-
mis and Rom-namis. I believe that the Commagenian -// (in Kus-
tas-pis and Kundas-pis) corresponded to the Hittite -mis or -mes.
The only verbal forms I have been able to discover are, ga-ya,
"I have made," ga-yu (and -md), "he has made," gayuin, "they
have made " (assuming that the boot had the value of //), ga-is
"making," \\x\tte:n ga-u-is in Tyriaion 3.
As for the relative chronology of the inscriptions, that must be
left till the decipherment of them is further advanced. At present
we have no materials for settling it. All that can be said is that the
Cilician inscriptions are comparatively late, and that while the early
art of the Hittites looks to Babylonia, the bas-relief of Malatiyeh is
already Assyrian. Whether it is later than the time of Assur-nazir-
pal we do not know, as we are ignorant as to how far back the style
of art which characterises the bas-reliefs of Assur-nazir-pal may reach. ^
^ Is Yanatu the same name as that of the Eneti, or Cappadocians ?
2 Proc. S.B.A., 1899, p. 200.
^ The swastika, it will be noticed, so common in Cyprus and the Troad, is
unknown to Hittite art, except on the border of the high-priest's robe at Ibreez.
On the other hand, the employment of the swastika for the cross, like that of the
symbol of life in Egypt, shows that in Isauria it must once have been well known.
(See Sterrett : Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor, p. 40.)
282
I
June io] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
About the pronunciation of Hittite sounds still less can be said
than about the age of the texts. It is a subject which I must leave
to those who find time to draw delicate distinctions between sounds
whicii they have never heard ; the decipherer of ancient inscrip-
tions has other work to do.
A peculiarity of the Hittite mode of writing, however, still
remains to be noticed. Not only may an ideograph be provided
with a phonetic complement, it is probable that a syllabic character
may be so too. Thus na-nas seems to read nas. This partly
explains the number of representatives of final -s, the characters
which originally denoted closed syllables like 7nis coming to be used
for simple -is or s in consequence of a ;;// or m being frequently
prefixed to tliem. The peculiarity is shared by Egyptian. In fact
the graphic system resembles that of Egypt rather than that of
Assyria, which is very astonishing and inexplicable considering that
Hittite art is based on that of Babylonia and Assyria, and that the
Hittite peoples once used the cuneiform system of writing.
The decipherment of the texts, partial and rudimentary as it is,
has nevertheless established two facts. The hieroglyphs are really
Hittite ; Hittite is the common name which the writers of them
share. It was a sort of national name common to the populations
of Milidand (lurgum, of Komana and Cappadocia, of Cilicia(?) and the
Khattina, of Carchemish, and, at one time at all events, of Hamath.
The fact, it is true, could never have been doubted by those who
possessed that faculty of common sense which is as necessary in
archccology as in the affairs of every day life, and who remembered
the identity of the proper names of the Hittite antagonists of
Ramses II with those of the later kings of Milid and the Khattina^
or the similar identity of the portraits drawn by the Hittites them-
selves in their sculptures and inscriptions with the portraits made
of them by their Egyptian enemies. But it is as well 10 have it
confirmed on the epigraphic side.
The second fact is the indirect verification of Prof. Ramsay'S'
view, that Hittite civilisation came from north to south. In the
inscriptions of Asia Minor, the geographical names are for the most
part written ideographically, especially as we go north ; in Syria south
of the Taurus they are spelt phonetically, indicating their foreign
origin. We can thus return to the old belief that Carchemish is
really Kar-Kamosh, "the Fort," or rather "Wall of Chemosh,"
Gargamis being a Hittite transformation of the name after the
283 u
June io] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
capture of the city from the Semitic Aramaeans. And Hamath may
have been the original name of Hamah, retained by its Semitic
inhabitants, though its Hittite conquerors turned it into Amata or
Aniatta. It is many years since I suggested that Gar-Emeris(u) or
Emeris(u), the Assyrian name of the district in which Damascus was
situated, was of Hittite origin and concealed the name of the
Amorites ; the suggestion may after all be right, and the name have
come through Hittite mouths to the Assyrians from a primitive
Semitic Kar-Amurri.
With which suggestion I pass on to the Hittite gods.
Hittite Theology.
In J. II, 2 we read: " Aramis (?), king of the earth, supreme
over the 9," and in lines 4 and 5, "the beloved of the 9 great gods,
consecrated (?) to the 9." As the word "god(s)" is here represented
by the ideograph of water, it might be supposed that divine streams
or river-gods are referred to, and as the god who was " supreme "
over them was " the king of the earth," it is clear that they were
gods of this earth and not of heaven. But at Gurun "the 9" seem
rather to be cities, and we are thus reminded of the fact that the
Hittite goddesses at Boghaz Keui wear castellated crowns. The
Hittite cities and tribes were deified ; hence the proper names
Khata-sar, Kaui-sar, and Khilip-sar, which contain the divine names
of the Hittite, the Quian and Aleppo. While the Semite spoke of
" Hadad, the god of Aleppo," for the Hittite the city itself was a god.
The " city of the Sun-god " is mentioned in J- m, 5, the picture of
the sun being followed by the word JV-a(J)-fi. In the second inscrip-
tion of jMer'ash (Messerschmidt, XXIII, c. i) the same ideograph
is again followed by the word N-n, to which the ideograph of
" priest " is attached. IVett or Nan was consequently the name of
the Sun-god.^ We find it in a good many Cilician and Cappadocian
' In H. V, 2, where a "city of the Sun-god" is again mentioned, the name
of the deity is written det. Na-(^-)ia-[yas). The ideograph, therefore, which is
inserted between iia-iia must have the vakie of nan. We find it again in M. I, 5
after the determinative of "god."
The photograph of the Mer'ash inscription {sec Plate), which I owe to tiie
kindness of the Rev. G. Brooke Robinson, reads, " the lord of Al-ya ideo-
graph OF THE Sun N-u-gal det. of place." I am tempted to see in this
the Assyrian ala-Ningal, "the city of Ningal." The Aramaic inscriptions of
Ncrab show that Ningal had been borrowed by the people of northern Syria, the
Semitic portion of whom had transformed the name into Nikal, or Nikkal.
284
Proc. Socie/v Bil/I. An/;., June, iqo3.
HITTITE INSCRIPTION ON A MONUMENT
FOUND AT MERASH.
June io] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
names, ^evi-KajLuct^, Nevaop/uiv, fiei'-apt<i, Ni'vvi^ and NiMvo^, to which
we have probably to add Nf/j'Sv, 'Navoa^, Nf/t'j'«9, fifjuii, Ndifio>;,
'Sdv)i\i9, as well as Gunzi-nan, king of Comana, in the time of Sargon.
Tarkus, denoted in J. iii, 5 as on the " Boss," by a goat's head, is
(J. Ill, 5) coupled with the Sun-god as well as with the goddess of
Carchemish (Khila). The image of the latter holds in the hand the
symbols ; '^ , "the goddess supreme," or "the goddess of the
sky," which, as, has been already remarked, is the title applied to
the goddess at Fraktin. We may infer, therefore, that the god who is
associated with her at Fraktin corresponds with Tarkus. The
inference is confirmed by our finding that the god at Fraktin is
depicted in precisely the same fashion as the god at Boghaz Keui,
who is accompanied by a goat. At Boghaz Keui the god stands on
the heads of two priests facing the goddess, who stands on the back
of a leopard and wears the mural crown.
At Fraktin the god is called "the divine supporter," or
establisher, "of the city," SI jl\ ^C^^i, and the priest who stands
opposite to him, impersonating the god, is similarly styled "the
supporter." The high-priest, who wears the dress of the goddess,
in the same fashion faces the goddess. His name, which ends
in -m, is composed of ideographs which I cannot read, and is
followed by the ideograph which in J. iii, 3, I have explained to
mean " High-priest." Then come three characters, the second of
which I cannot identify, the third is the accusative sufifix -«, and
the first is the arm, sar, " ruling," so that the signification must be
something like "ruling the sanctuary," or "High-priest." Next
comes the ideograph of "country," the name of which begins with
Ta, and ends with the genitive suffix -ya. It ought to be Das-
tarkon.i
According to Stephanus Byzantinus, the great gods of the
Cilicians were also nine. They consisted of the Earth and Sky
and their seven children Adanos, the defied Adana, Ostasos or
Oetasos, Andes, corrected into Sandes or Sandan, the tutelary god
of Tarsus,- Kronos, Rhea (probably the Rho of Cilician proper
names), lapetos (Japhet), and Olymbros. Tarkus, however, can
^ The second character is probably the determinative of "deity," the next
character, which expressed the name of the god, is lost. If this were Tarku, (a
would here have the ideographic value of das, or ias.
' Or is Andes the city of An-da-(s) mentioned in Bor 3, H. V, 4 ?
2S5 U 2
June io] SOCIETY OF BI15LICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1903.
hardly have been the Earth, since on M. Schlumberger's seals the
god who bears the title of " supreme over the earth " stands on the
back of a leopard, and is the god who at Boghaz Keui immediately
follows the chief goddess, thus occupying the position assigned to
Attys in Asianic theology. The name attached to him is expressed
by the ideograph of the lower part of a man's body. The same
name is found at Gurun (6), where it is preceded by the names of
"the supreme god Si"^ (or Tarkus), and "the supreme goddess"
with her titles. It is possible that the name also occurs in the
Aleppo inscription.
The Fraktin goddess must therefore be the Sky of Cilician
mythology. As the ideograph cF=n follows the ideograph of "deity"
instead of preceding it, it is probable that we have to render
" goddess of the sky " instead of " supreme goddess," a=^o being
"the sky," "that which is above," as in J. iv, 4, 4. Now Prof.
Ramsay has shown that Bazis was the name applied to the sanctuary
of Zeus Asmabaios near Tyana {Reaieil de Travaux, XIV, p. 80),
and the analogy of Saba-zios would lead us to infer that -zi is a
formative suffix, the title or name of the deity itself being Ba. This
brings us back to Aba, which, as is in Br(\//Aos by the side of 'A/3aK\y9,
could be abbreviated into Ba. Ba^ like Bai3av, Ea/Sda^ and Ba/Sei'^
was a Cilician name. The seat of Zeus Asmabaios would thus be
that which also belonged to the goddess who was associated with
him.
The sky-goddess is accordingly the mother goddess of Asianic
theology, who bore as many names as there were cities or districts
with which she was identified. At Boghaz Keui she represents the
State, and so wears the mural crown. As at Carchemish (J. in, 5),
so at Boghaz Keui, she is brouglit into immediate connection with
Tarkus and is accordingly accompanied by his goat.
Attys, who follows her at Boghaz Keui, is, as I have said, denoted
by the hieroglyph J0}. The name seems to have been general in
eastern as well as in western Asia Minor. The name of "At^v is
found in Isauria, and at Termessus in Pisidia we have TcaTT;/?
This is clearly the Teuwatti of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, the
' Ramsay's photograph and copy make the character si. Messerschmidt,
however, makes the character at Boghaz Keui TIJ , which may be the same as
that which in the Aleppo inscription has the value of ^''ar.
286
June io] DECIPHERMENT OF HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
Tuates of the Vannic inscriptions about which I have written in
the Proc. S.B.A., 1899, P- ^91- The analogy of Tu-tammu would
apparently show that we ought to divide it Tu-ates. At Boghaz
Keui Attys holds the eunuch-priest under his arm. The latter has
both lituus and dagger, and in another bas-relief stands on the
mountains supporting in the right hand the so-called edicule.^
' The " edicule " is a curious symbolic representation of the temple of the
universe. In it the high-priest, impersonating the deity, stands on the boot or
" earth " supporting the winged solar disk with the moon above it. The wings of
the disk take the place of the sky. With the right hand he touches a fetish, two
of which occupy the interior of the temple, while world-columns support the
wings of the disk on either side. That the god should hold his priest under the
arm is intelligible, when we remember that the priest impersonated the god and
even bore his name.
{To be continued.)
287
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Letter of Professor Dr. Eugene Revillout.
Aux trois questions posees par vous, j'ai repondu depuis long-
temps, tant dans mon enseignement public,^ qui date de plus de
22 ans, que dans mes livres, particulierement, en 1897, dans la lettre
servant de preface a la Metrique egyptienne d'un de mes eleves et
dans les planches finales qu'il a publiees sous ma direction.
Par les lettres qui vous sont deja parvenues de mes eleves
Philippe Virey et G. Benedite, aussi bien que par beaucoup d'autres
preuves, je vols, qu'a I'exception de Spiegelberg (qui s'est rattache a
d'autres de ses professeurs, ses compatriotes) et sur certains points du
P. Durand, mon ecole a garde mes traditions, — traditions qui sont
celles de mon illustre maitre, E. de Rouge, et que garde, de son
cote, mon vieil ami Karl Piehl, tout autant que Naville. C'est
aussi avec plaisir que je constate qu'au point de vue du Semitique,
I'excellent semitisant Montet professe semblables opinions.
Moi-meme j'ai etudie pendant des annees toutes les langues
semitiques et j'ai meme professe I'une d'elles. Aussi ne saurais-je
entendre sans etonnement la maxime de Sethe commen(,ant par ces
mots : " The affinity between the Egyptian language and the different
dialects of the Semitic language can hardly be doubtful to anyone
who knows the two languages well. // is proved, etc.'' Une longue
experience des deux langages prouve, au contraire, que I'Egyptien
diftere des langues semitiques par toute la contexture grammaticale
aussi bien que par bon nombre de racines se rapprochant davantage
— comme une autre ecole allemande I'a pre'tendu (aussi bien que de
Rouge) — des langues indo-germaniques que des langues semitiques.
Qu'il y ait eu, cependant, des emprunts mutuels entre les langues
semitiques et I'Egyptien, cela n'est pas douteux ; j'ai souvent etabli
que, meme en demotique, les mots relatifs au grand commerce, et
^ Mon enseignement prive est bien anterieur.
288
June io] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
surtout au commerce de I'argent sont semitiques d'origine, et cela
par la raison toute simple, que des Semites avaient en P^gypte le
monopole de ce commerce.
Qu'il y ait eu primitivement aussi certaines parentes facilement
explicables pax des liens eloignes d'origine commune — par un proto-
semitisme, si Ton veut — j'irais peut-etre jusque la, a la rigueur, ainsi
que je I'ai dit dans la lettre precitee, et cependant, certaines de ces
parentes apparentes pourraient s'expliquer autrement. II ne faudrait,
du reste, pas nous citer comma telles les changements de vocalisa-
tion que subissent les mots alors qu'ils se trouvent grammaticalement
allonges, car de semblables changements de vocalisation causes par
le poids comparatif des mots et des syllabes se retrouvent dans les
langues indo-germaniques et, generalement, dans toutes les langues.
Parmi les semitismes de I'Egyptien, outre le pronom et les
palpels ou racines redoublees, j'ai cite souvent le o du feminin
correspondant au .^ = S //e-fav (HTi) des Semites. Ex. : | = coil
= frere, | '^^ = ctoiie = soeur, | -^^ 2^=^ sonfef, sa soeur, a I'e'tat
construit. J'ai cite aussi le 0 = ^, qui, aux anciennes epoques,
parait avoir eu le son guttural du ain dans les pays semitiques les
plus voisins de I'Egypte, c'est-a-dire en Palestine et en Arable. On
salt, qu'au contraire, en Chaldee, cette lettre est devenue la plus
douce de toutes les voyelles, un simple e, et qu'en Phenicie elle a
servi de prototype graphique a la lettre 0, telle que Font empruntee
les grecs eux-memes.
Rien ne prouve, en effet, que, dans les langues semitiques prinii-
iives, le ^^, le ^, et le n (devenu I'origine de notre e) aient ete
toujours de vetitables consonnes, comme on les considere actuelle-
ment. A un certain moment, tel a ete, en effet, le concept des
grammairiens, et ces consonnes muettes ont ete mi^es par d'autres
voyelles, les points voyelles de I'hebreu, de I'arabe, etc. Seul, apres
les cuneiformes, parmi les langues semitiques relativement modernes,
I'Ethiopien a rattache ces voyelles surajoutees aux differentes con-
sonnes (empruntees a I'alphabet himiarite des inscriptions sabeennes)
y compris a I'aleph, au /le, a I'ain, etc.
Mais ce qui prouve bien que les Semites avaient cependant garde
la tradition d'apres laquelle ces pretendues consonnes ou semi-
voyelles n'avaient pas ce role dans I'origine, c'est que, dans le
premier systeme de massore syriaque, ou les ecrivait au dessus du
texte, pour rendre les points voyelles des hebreux et des Arabes, ce
TrxE lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-ICOLOGY. [1903.
qui n'empecha pas de les remplacer plus tard, dans ce but, par un
systeme complique de points diacritiques et de motions.
On peut affirmer que les seules semi-voyelles qui aient toujours
joue ce role, c'est-a-dire qui aient ete, par la nature meme, tantot
semi-voyelles tantot voyelles, ce sont le / et le ?/, repondant egale-
ment a v et a v, et pouvant alors se prononcer _>'«, va^ etc.
II en est de meme, d'ailleurs, en copte, et, je n'en doute pas, dans
le vieil Egyptian.
Comme dans les anciens cuneiformes et comme dans I'arabe
litteraire, si on laisse de cote le son guttural du ^ a = i^, il n'y
avait primitivenient en P.gyptien que trois voyelles, le a ( "^ et 1]),
le / ([][], w), le ?/ (^, (5), tous simples par excellence. Le e, segol
ou tserc, qui existait dans le systeme hebreo-phenicien et remplac^ait
peut-etre, comme point voyelle, I'ancien ri, n'existait pas d'abord en
Egyptien : et dans I'Egyptien secondaire il est le resultat soit d'une
dipthonge (tj ^ = a2i = ej soit d'une consonne (<^i^> = e^)
affaiblie de maniere a ne plus sonner que par Ve de prononciation,
le s/ieva servant a soutenir les consonnes ou les lettres doubles sans
voyelles, s/ieva qui avant le r devenait plus distinct. C'est ce
s/ieva que les Coptes ont plus tard remplace par un accent special
se mettant sur certaines lettres et que, dans le systeme de trans-
scription de Lepsius et de De Rouge, il faut partout supposer en
Egyptien quand la voyelle n'est pas inscrite.
Je crois, pour ma part, que ce systeme est le plus pratique et le
meilleur, car les pretendues semi-voyelles de I'Ecole Allemande sont,
en Egyptien, comme d'ailleurs d'abord en Se'mitique, de veritables
voyelles. Ces voyelles ont pu, dans les deux groupes, perdre
souvent leur prononciation i)rimitive et etre mues a leur tour. Mais
cette motion posterieure, le Copte et les transcriptions en lettres
grecques peuvent seuls nous la fournir, a la rigueur, pour les derniers
etats de la langue, tels que le demotique, par exemple.
Rien ne saurait nous la faire connaitre pour les periodes les i)lus
anciennes des hieroglyphes.
II faut bien savoir, en efifet, qu'aucune langue n'est immobile et
que vouloir donner aux vieux mots hieroglyphiques la vocalisation
du Copte, c'est commettre une faute aussi impardonnable que celle
qui consiste a supprimcr toute la vocalisation inscrite dans les mots
pour la remplacer par une sorte de notation alge'brique.
Cette faute est encore grossie quand on attribue aux sons vocaux
290
June io] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. 1903.
du Copte une valeur inexacte. C'est ce que nous remarquons dans
la methode d'un de nos Egyptologues actuals les plus distingues,^
dans le but de donner, pretend-t-il, a I'Egyptien antique la pronon-
ciation Copte. Le H, par exemple, nous le savons avec certitude,
n'avait, ni en Grece ni en Egypte dans I'antiquite le son de IV que
lui attribuent les Grecs modernes. Rhangabe, alors ambassadeur de
Grece en France, a autrefois lu devant moi a I'Academie des Inscrip-
tions un curieux Memoire pour etablir la realite de la prononciation
erasmienne de Veta. II a cite, entre autres passages, celui d'Aristo-
phane faisant dire au mouton B// B»/. Un mouton qui dirait vivi
serait une curiosite.
IMoi-meme, a une periode a peu pres semblable, en 1870-7 tj j'ai
lu a la meme Academic un memoire ou j'etudiais la maniere dont le
Grec etait traite en Copte.'' J'y etablissais, entre autres choses, que
les premieres traces de Piotocisme de Veta, faciles a constater par
I'orthographe speciale alors adoptee, n'apparaissaient qu'a partir du
8^ ou du 9® siecle de notre ere : et encore le h s'echange-t-il d'abord
avec le v et non avec 1'^ (< qui se confond toujours, comme pronon-
ciation, avec c( quand il ne porte pas les deux points indiquant la
dipthongue).
Mais nous avons dans les manuscrits demotiques avec tran-
scriptions grecques des preuves innombrables et beaucoup plus
frappantes. Le meme signe demotique )) (=1]^) sert en effet
e'galement toujours a rendre e et h tandis que m rend < et e^ sans
trema.
En hieroglyphes le mot ^ ^ ra designait le soleil : et cette
prononciation ra est prouvee par les auteurs classiques et par
Manethon transcrivant ra (pour Rameses, etc.) le disque solaire, se
decomposant, au point de vue phonetitiue, en un r et en un a par le
bras (I'ancien airi). Dans les papyrus demotiques a transcriptions
grecques le meme disque solaire designant le soleil (Po) est, au
contraire, transcrit />>;, prononciation moderne qui est celle du Copte,
" Note. — As these remarks seem necessary for the development of M. Revillout's
argument, they have been allowed to remain. But it may be as well to remind
the reader that they represent M. Revillout's own opinions merely, and that the
Society must in no way be associated with the condemnation of the method in
question. — Eon or.
^ L'analyse de ce memoire, qui a ete publiee dans les comptes-rendus de
I'Academie pendant la commune, n'a pu etre corrige par moi. On a laisse des
blancs a la place de mots qu'on n'avait pu lire dans mon manuscrit.
291
Tune io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903.
oil le soleil se dit pii. Nous voyons done ici une ancienne voyelle
a vocalisee a son tour 11 aux epoques basses. Mais cet eta ne se
pronon^ait pas alors /, nous en avons la preuve par les autres
transcriptioi.s deja citees, c'est-a-dire par le son )) = (j ^ servant
aussi a rendre p. II faut done renoncer a le transcrire partout ri,
meme aux epoques hieroglyphiques, alors qu'il se pronon^ait cer-
tainament ra, — comme il faut renoncer a voir des / partout, ainsi que
I'a fait I'eminent Egyptologue que je vise.
Les memes papyrus demotiques a transcriptions ' nous ren-
seignent, du reste, sans cesse, sur les changements que I'usage
inoderne avait apportes a la prononciation des mots et des syllabiques
les mieux connus de la langue antique.
S'il est un fait bien etabli par ces transcriptions, c'est la lecture
constante a pour 0=^17 = o. On en a des centaines
d'exemples. Uain, dont le signe graphique phenicien est devenu
notre 0, etait done un a comme ^o = _^ =: o, et J^ = I] ::= «,
^ont les transcriptions grecques se trouvent des centaines de fois
aussi dans ces papyrus a la meme epoque, c'est-a-dire dans les
premiers siecles de notre ere. Le son o, w ou wic, ne se trouve
que pour le syllabique 2^7 ^^ ^!^^' dont mon illustre maitre
De Rouge voulait faire un a redouble, un aa.
Le groupe 2?7 =^ ''T^^n ^^t meme pris comme une voyelle
simple pour rendre le son o, non plus seulement dans les transcrip-
tions du demotique en grec mais dans celles du grec en demotique.
Mais ce n'est pas la I'unique transformation vocale qu'a subie la
lettre o = a = a, redouble ou non.
Dans certains cas, le meme syllabique o<=> = aa, avait encore
change de prononciation, selon le sens du mot.^ Ainsi, si 2!t = q,
" grand," continuait toujours a se prononcer " aa," ou o, a-, icio, etc.,
le mot ^^ "^ = " ane," est alors lu ico (nom copte de I'ane) et le
mot ^^, "lin," est lu (;i (eiAAV en Copte).
■• On pourra consulter sur toutes ces questions de transcriptions grecques, les
planches fjue j'ai fait annexer a la mutiique demotique, et par consequent a ma
lettre.
* Parfois aussi un syllabique etait dialectalement diversement prononce. Le
syllabique 2 =r ra sa, transcrit CA par les bilingues, prend, dans le mot
P ^ ^' P^'fo''^ l^s compements l] ^ z= <3 ou fl(l = I (</. C6I rassasi^
en Copte).
292
June io] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
Une transformation analogue se remarque pour )a)i_ =^
-^^ I 1, "maison," qui est toujours prononce hi, prononciation
moderne qui se retrouve en Copte.
La ne s'arreta pas, d'ailleurs le principe des transformations de
prononciations imposees par I'usage a I'epoque basse. Parfois des
mots entiers se substituerent a d'autres, toujours traditionnelle-
ment ecrits a I'ancienne maniere. Le correspondant demotique
signe a ^6Pj " extremement, beaucoup," se prononce maio, et
prend parfois les complements em et fo appropritis, parceque la
langue moderne (qui se trouve en Copte sous la forme 6UAT6),
traduisait aussi la pense'e " extremement " que les anciens lisaient
enisesma. Le meme groupe demotique, ^ 5 P^ servit aussi a rendre
le verbe copte homophone UATe, "possidere," dans certains
contrats.
De meme, le correspondant demotique de y^ se lisant ^^
a fini par prendre, dans la bilingue de Londres, la valeur t6v ou rev.
parceque le vent se dit tht en Copte.
{To be continued.^
,S> .^Ji^.^lLs. ®.
^E-^l
293
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
NOTE ON THE PARENTAGE OF AMENHETEP III.
Bv Percy. E. Newberry.
It appears to have always been taken for granted that as
Amenhetep III succeeded Thothmes IV, he was a son of that
king, and an inscription in the tomb of the Royal Scribe Horemheb,
at Thebes, has often been cited in corroboration of the (supposed)
fact. If this inscription, however, be carefully examined, and if
the other data on the subject be also taken into account, it will be
seen that the evidence conclusively shows another relationship,
namely that Amenhetep III was a son of Amenhetep II, and,
consequently, a younger brother of Thothmes IV. The data on
the subject are as follows : —
(i) In the tomb of Heq-er-neheh, dated in the reign of Thothmes
IV, is an important scene (published by Lepsius, D. iii, 65),
which shows Thothmes IV as a child, but wearing all the insignia of
royalty, seated upon the knee of his tutor, Heq-reshu. Behind the
young king stands a prince named Amenhetep, accompanied by
his tutor Heq-er-neheh and six other princes. This scene can only
be taken as representing a family group, and as we cannot suppose
that a boy like Thothmes IV (who was still in charge of his tutor
when he came to the throne) could have had seven sons at so early an
age, we must admit that these princes were all sons of Amenhetep II.
That the young prince Amenhetep, who figures in this scene, was
afterwards the king Amenhetep III, has been generally admitted;
this family scene is therefore one point in favour of Amenhetep III
being a son of Amenhetep II, and not of Thothmes IV.
(2) More important still is the fact that Thothmes IV was
hardly more than a youth when he died : his age at his death is
stated by Dr. Elliot Smith, who has recently very carefully examined
the mummy, to have been between twenty-four and twenty-five years.
Now, we cannot well suppose him to have been married and had
294
June io] PARENTAGE OF AMENHETEP III. [1903.
issue before his fourteenth year, if, indeed even then. Yet we
know from the " Bull Hunt " scarab of Amenhetep III, that the
king was already married to Queen Thyi sometime in or before the
second year of his reign ; Thothmes IV, therefore, if the father of
Amenhetep III, cannot well have been more than twelve years old
when his son was born, which is, to say the least, extremely im-
probable.
These two pieces of evidence make it exceedingly probable that
Amenhetep III was not a son of Thothmes IV ; but there is another
datum which conclusively shows that he was a son of Amenhetep II,
and this, strangely enough, is the inscription which has always been
quoted as representing Amenhetep III as a son of Thothmes IV.
This inscription runs : —
1I=(oJli]Af¥^S[=Qi^]Af
' "^^^^^l^C^^^LQI^V
^v^A^^A *-:?/■*■ £^
This inscription has always been mis-read, " Aa-kheperu-Ra (Amen-
hetep II), his son Men-kheperu-Ra (Thothmes IV), his (Thothmes
IV's) son Neb-maat-Ra (Amenhetep III)." But, on the analogy of
innumerable inscriptions on stelae and in private tombs where re-
lationships are stated, the personal suffix ef must here, in each
case, refer to Amenhetep II. The text, therefore, runs: — "Aa-
kheperu-Ra (Amenhetep II), his son Men-kheperu-Ra (Thothmes IV),
and his (Amenhetep II's) son Neb-maat-Ra (Amenhetep III)."
Here, therefore, we have a precise statement of the fact that Amen-
hetep III was a son of Amenhetep II.
p.S. — Since the above was written, M. Maspero calls my attention
to a dedication inscription in the Temple of El Kab {I.D., III, 8ob),
in which Amenhetep HI speaks of " his father Thothmes IV." The
word used, however, is tef, which is often used in the sense of
" ancestor," and in this case may possibly mean " regnal ancestor,"
or "predecessor in title."
295
June io]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV.
[1903-
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C., on Wednesday,
November nth, 1903, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Papers
will be read : —
F. Legge: "Some Egyptian Ivories."
Rev. Dr. Lowy: "Notes on Lilith."
#.
*^:^cq!r
296
Tune io] PROCEEDINGS. [1903.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Mevibers having duplicate copies, ^vill confer a favour by presenting tliein to the
Society.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de I'Es^ypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
La Geographic de I'Egypte a I'epoque Copte.
Amiaud, a., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare desEcritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Cotter der Heiden.
Beitrage zur Assyriologie,
Berlin Museum, .^gyptische Urkunden.
,, ,, Griechische und Koptische Urkunden.
BissiNG, Baron von, " Metalgef asse " (Ca/. Gen. du JMusee du Caire).
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
H. Brugsch et J- Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budge, E. A. Wallis, Z?V/. D., "The Mummy."
■ Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiqucs. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
Crum, W. E., "Coptic Monuments" (Cat. Gen. du Alusee du Caire).
Daressy, G., " Ostraca" {Cat. Cairo Museum).
" Fouillcs de la Vallee des Rois" (Cat. Cairo Museuvi).
Delitzsch, Das Babylonische Weltschopfungs Epos.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
■ 2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriftcn, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes Egyptologiqucs. 13 vols., complete to 18S0.
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1903.
GOLENISCHEFK, Die Metternichstele. P'olio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerled
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
HoMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Eabyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch viber Heilkunde.
KusSMETTER, Der Occultesmus des Altertums des Akkader, Babyloner,
Chaldaer, &c.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aeg}^pten bis ziim
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Beriicksichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptians de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFfeBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2™^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmanx, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonian 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173;
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
Mariette, " Monuments divers."
" Dendera."
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Maspero, G., "Annales du service des Antiquites de I'Egypte.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
POGNOX, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBlOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur la Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
ScHROEDER, Die Phonlzische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptische Gotterglaube
VissER, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
VVesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866
to 1878.
ZiMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Altcn
Testaments.
^
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
SixtJi Meeting, nth November, 1903.
Sir H. H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S.
IN THE CHAIR.
-,r^-
OBITUARY.
July, 1903. October, 1903.
Rev. S. Kinns, PIi.D. Miss S. Peckover.
W. J. Haywood.
November, 1903. SiR C. NICHOLSON, Bart., D.C.L.
[No. cxcii.] 297
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIIUJCAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1903.
The following Presents were announced, ami thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From E. J. Pilcher. — " Die Gesetze Hammurabis;" by Dr. Winckler.
From the Author, H. Winckler. — "Abraham als Babylonier ;"
" Joseph als .-Egypter."
From the Author, Prof. J. Capart. — " Recueil de monumens
Egyptians."
From J. Pollard. — "Greek pai)yri from the Cairo .Museum;"
i)y E. J. Goodspeed.
■ "Letter on the German Emperor's criticism on Babel und
Bibel;" by Prof Harnack.
From the Author, G. Legrain. — " Le Temple et les Cliapelles
d'Osiris a Karnak," and " Notes prises a Karnak."
From W. H. Rylands, F.S.A. — " (rames Ancient and Oriental,
and how to play them ;" by E. Falkener.
From the Authoress, the Hon. Miss E. M. Plunkett. — "Ancient
Calendars and Constellations."
From the Author, Dr. J. H. Breasted. — " The Battle of Kadesh."
From the Author, Dr. Gaster. — "The Chronicles of Jerahmeel."
From F. Legge. — "A Short History of Ancient Peoples;" by
R. Soutar, M.A., D.C.L.
The following Candidates for Membership were elected : —
George Bell, Dunedin, New Zealand.
E. Meyer, 60, Ladbroke Grove, W.
Major-General Jogo Trelawney, Liskeard, Cornwall.
G. Legrain, Karnak, Thebes, Egypt.
D. Paton, 15, Wall Street, New York.
Dr. Hocken, Dunedin, New Zealand.
The following Paper was read : —
Prof. Petrie : " Notes on the XlXth and XXth Egyptian
dynasties."
The Rev. Dr. Walker, the Secretary, and the Chairman joined
in the discussion which followed, and the thanks of the Meeting
were voted to Pruf. Petrie.
298
Nov. II] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. ; [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEx\D.
By Prof. Edouard Naville, D.C.L., &'c.
( Con tin ued from page 242.)
CHAPTER CLV.
Chapter of the Tat of gold. ( t )
Here is thy backbone,(3) thou still-heart ! here is thy spine, thou
still-heart ! Put it close to thee. I have given thee the water
thou wantest. (3) Here it is. I have brought to thee the Tat, in
which thy heart rejoiceth.
Said on a Tat of gold inlaid into the substance of sycamore-wood^
and dipped into juice of ankhamu. If it is put on the neck of this
Chu, he arrives at the doors of the Ttiat, and he conies forth by day,
even though he be silent. The Tat is put in its place on the first day
of the year, as is done to the followers of Osiris.
Notes.
After the interruption due to Chapters 153 and 154, we revert
to the series inaugurated by 151, the description of the chamber in
which the mummy is deposited, and of the fimeral equipment of the
deceased, his amulets and ornaments. The papyrus HI, 93 (Pb);
of the Louvre, throws several of these Chapters into one, with the
title : the description of the hidden thins^s of the Tuat, and the vignette
(PI. 1-V) represents three figures of Chapter 151 : the statuette, the
torch or flame, and the Anubis ; besides two Tat of different
substances, one of them for the wall, and one to be put on the neck
of the deceased, and a buckle.
299 X 2
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL4L0L0GV. [1903.
The vignette of Chapter 155 represents a Tat of gold. The
various versions of the Chapter differ mostly in the rubric. I followed
the papyrus of Nebseni (Aa), filling uj) the gaps from other texts.
1. The rubric seems to explain that the text refers to a 'i"at of
gold, which is inlaid into the wood of a mummy-shaped coffin, on
the neck, and which holds fast by means of the sap or gum of a tree
or fruit called ankhamu.
2. This shows that the Tat is originally a conventional repre-
sentation of a backbone.
3. The juice or gum just mentioned, in which the Tat is dipped.
CHAPTER CLVL
Chapler of the buckle of cai-nelian, 7vhich is put on the ?ieck
of the deceased.
The blood of Isis, the virtue of Isis ; the magic power of Isis,
the magic power of the Eye are protecting this the Great one ; they
prevent any wrong being done to him.
This Chapter is said 07i a buckle of carnelian dipped into the juice
of ankhamu, i?ilaid into the substance of the sycamo7-e-wood, atid put
en the neck of the deceased.
Whoever has this Chapter read to him., the virtue of Isis protects
him ; Horus the son of Isis ?rJoices in seeing him, and no way is
tarred to him, ujifailingly.
Notes.
M. Maspero, who made a special study of this Chapter (Zr
chapitre de la boucle, Comptcs Renaus de I Acad, des Inscr. et Bell,
lettres, 1 871), has shown that there are several recensions. This,
which is probably the oldest, is taken from the papyrus of Nebseni,
with a few additions from texts of the same date.
The protective power of the buckle is shown in the vignette
of Chapter 93, where a buckle with human hands grasps the deceased
by the left arm, and prevents him from going towards the East.
^00
Nov. II] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
CHAPTER CLVII.
Chapter of the vulture of gold, put on ths neck of the deceased,
Isis has arrived ; she hovers over the dwelHngs, and she searches
all the hidden abodes of Horus when he comes out of the Northern
marshes, knocking down him whose face is evil.
She causes him to join the Bark, and grants him the sovereignty
over the worlds.
When he has fought a b"g fight, he decrees what must be done
in his honour ; he causes fear of him to arise, and he creates terror.
His mother, the Great one, uses her protective power, which she
has handed over to Horus.
Said on a vulture of gold. If this Chapter is written on it, it"
protects the deceased, the powerful one, on the day of the funeral,
undeviatingly for times infinite.
Notes.
This and the two following Chapters have not been found in the
old recension. They are taken from the Turin text.
The vignette represents a vulture with outspread wings, which is
often found made of cartonnage on the mummies. The same bird
is often painted on the ceilings of tombs or temples.
CHAPTER CLVHI.
Chapter of the collar of gold, put on the neck of the deceased.
O my father ! my brother ! my mother Isis I I am unveiled and
I am seen. I am one of the unveiled ones, who see Seb.
Said on a collar of gold, on which this Chapter has been written,
and which is put on the 7ieck of the deceased, the day of his burial.
301
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1903.
CHAPTER CLIX.
Chapter of the cobcinn of gree?i Felspar, [i) put on the neck
of the deceased.
, O thou who comest out every day, in the divine house, she who
has. a big voice, who goeth round Siie takes hold of the
potent formula; of her father, the mummy which is on the bull. (2)
She is Renent
Said on a column of green Felspar, on which this Chapter has been
written, ajii which is put on the neck of the deceased.
Notes.
The vignette of this Chapter and the next, show distinctly that
the \ is a miniature column or tent-pole, with the papyrus capital,
and papyrus leaves at the base.
This Chapter is taken from the Turin text ; parts of it are quite
unintelligible.
1. ¥\ . a mineral which has not yet been determined.
Brugsch calls it " Opal." Lepsius thought its colour was blue.
Dr. Budge translates " mother-of-emerald." Renoufs translation is
"green Felspar" (see Chapter 29E, note).
2. The mummy carried off by the Apis bull, a representation
of^en seen on the coffins after the XXIInd dynasty.
CHAPTER CLX.
Giving the column of green Felspar.
I am the column of green Felspar, which cannot be crushed, (i)
and which is raised by the hand of Thoth.
Injury is an abomination for it. If it is safe, I am safe ; if it is
not injured, I am not injured; if it receives no cut, I receive no cut.
Said by 'J'hoth : arise, come in peace, lord of Heliopolis, lord
who resides at Pu.
302
Nov. II] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
When Shu has arrived, he found the stone at Shenemu, as its
name is neshem. He (the deceased) makes his abode in the
enclosure of the great god ; whilst Tmu resides in his dwelling ; (2)
his limbs will never be crushed.
Notes.
For Chapter 160, we have a text from London, 9900 {Ad) ; it is
not complete, but the gaps can very easily be filled up from the
Papyrus Busca.
The vignette of Aa represents Thoth bringing the column,
enclosed in a box or a casket.
1. I suppose the symbolical expressions of this Chapter mean
that the nesheni, of which the column is made, is a very hard stone,
which is proof against any injury.
^ O or ^ (S, which I translated '"crush," means probably
H H—
"grind to powder/' and I , " to receive a cut," means to be
scratched or incised by a sculptor's tool. The power of the amulet
consists in making the body of the deceased as hard as neshem.
2. , a variant of when it refers to Tmu (Nav., Todt.^
ch. XVII, 1. 12).
CHAPTER CLXI.
Chapter of iinfastening the opening in the shy. Thoth does // so thai
it may be finished iphen he opetis {the sky) with Aten. (i)
Ra (2) is living, the tortoise (3) is dead. The body has been
offered in the earth ; the bones have been offered of N. [The West
wind of Isis]. (4)
Ra is living, the tortoise is dead. It is safe that is in the funeral
chest of N. [The East wind of Nephthys.]
Ra is living, the tortoise is dead, the limbs are well wrapped
up. Kebehsenef is to keep watch over them for N. [The North
wind of Osiris.]
303
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903.
Ra is living, the tortoise is dead. His wrajipings have been
opened ; they reveal his figure. [The South wind of Ra.]
Everybody wJw lias these figures 07i his coffin, the four opetji'tigs of
the sky are open to him ; one ifi the North, it is the wind of Osiris ;
one in the South, it is the wind of Aah (the moon) ; one in the West,
it is the wind of Isis ; one in the Fast, it is the wind of N'ephthxs.
Every one of these ^vinds, ichiih are at his entrance wJien he zuants if,
breathes into his iiostrils.
Let no one outside knotv it, it is a mystery whicli is not known to
the common people. Do not repeal it to any one, may he be i/iy father
or thy son, except thyself. It is a real mystery, and every one of these
things is u)iknown to all men.
Notes.
This Chapter is so short in the old recension (Paris, III, 93)
that it could hardiy be understood without the rubric of the Turin
text. The four Thoths, each of whom opens a door, are the four
winds, coming from the four cardinal points {Zeitschr. fir Acg.
Sprache^ 1877, p. 28).
We have already learned from Chapter 59 that it is one of the
privileges of the deceased to have the command of the four winds.
1. The title is obscure. I suppose that the scribe, who had a
very short space at his disposal, left out a word or two.
2. Magic formula, which enables Thoth to open the door.
3. See Chapter 83, note i. Brugsch calls the tortoise the evil
principle.
4. The v.-ords in brackets, as well as the rubric, are taken from
the Turin Todtenbuch.
( To he continued. )
304
PLATE LVI.
Proc. Soc. Bib I. Arch., Nov., 1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
11
Chat. 155. Chap. 156.
B.M., 9900.
r
fk
Chap. 158. Chap. 157.
Lepsius, "Todt."
Chapter 159. Leyden Papyrus.
Chap PER 160. Leyden Papyrus.
Chapter 159. Lepsius, " Todt."
Chapter 160. B.M., 9900.
Nov. II] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE HITTITE
INSCRIPTIOXS.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., 6^v.
( Continued from page 287.)
Distinct from the mother-goddess was Iskhar, borrowed from
Babylonia, whose name was denoted by the symbols ^^ ^ 5 as we
learn from the bilingual seal of Indilimma in the Ashmolean
Museum. Her name is found in the treaty between Ramses II
and the Hittites {Reaieil de Travmix, XV, 22). She is there called
'■ the mistress of the mountains."
Another goddess, who wears a mural crown, and is represented
both at Boghaz Keui and at Eyuk, is entitled ^ Q) \j (3B) "the
goddess Asma " or "Sima" (or does it mean "ass's town"?) She,
again, was a deified city, perhaps that represented by the ruins of
Eyuk. Ashima, however, was a Hamathite divinity (2 Kings xvii, 30). ^
Sandan, on the other hand, is not depicted at Boghaz Keui.
He seems to have been peculiarly the god of Tarsus and its neigh-
bourhood, where he was identified with the Greek Herakles in his
character of workman and drainer of the marsh. At Ivriz he is
represented as "the Baal of Tarsus," as on the coins of the city,
with a corn-stalk in the one hand and clusters of grapes in the other. '^
^ On the Mei'ash Lion 5 we may possibly have a deity Is-s-yn-ma. Simi,
according to jMelito, was a goddess of Hierapolis-Mabug, the later successor of
Carchemish.
" At Bulgar IVIaden 5 we read of det. vt-e-n-vi-n DET. Sanda-ya a>ia-r>ET.y
"the priest of Sandan the city-god," and the neighbouring city of Kybistra, or
Kyzislra, bore in Greek times the name of Herakleia. The Bulgar Maden
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1903.
But elsewhere it was rather the warhke than the agricultural Herakles
whose character he bore. On the Hittite monument found at
Babylon it is the god Hadad or Dada, the Resheph of the
Aramaeans, who is sculptured with the thunderbolt in his hand.
Nevertheless the accompanying inscription commemorates the
same god 'Jj^ (gg) as the inscription at Ivriz. Whether the ideo-
graph was pronounced in the same way in the two cases may be
questioned ; we know that Tessub was the Hadad of Alitanni, and
there is ]:)lenty of evidence to show that Tessub or Tessup was also
recognised by the Hittites of Northern Syria. Among the Hittite
names recorded on the Egyptian monuments are Tal-tisubu and
Aki-tisubu; in the geographical list of Thothmes HI we find
Thithupa (No. 338), which appears as Thisupu in the list of
Rameses III, and therefore is certainly Tessub ; while Dr. Scheil
has discovered a fragmentary Assyrian inscription in which reference
is made to " . . -Tesub king of the Hittites." That Tesub was at
home in Kummukh or Comagene we know from the royal names
Kili-Tesub, the son of Kali-Tesub and Sadi-Tesub, the son of
Khattu-sar. But the god was perhaps borrowed from Mitanni ; at
all events we do not find his name among the western Hittites,
where it is replaced by Sandan. If Sada-halis, king of the Hittites
in the nei2;hbourhood of Milid, who is mentioned in the Vannic
inscription, it may be added, begins with the words a-iia-a-mc-i Sanda-
da-n-Wi.-yas, " The king (am) I Sandaniyas," where the ideograph is the
determinative of the demonstrative pronoun, from which it acquired the phonetic
value of yet. Sandaniyas would be the Greek 'ZavSioinos, " of the city of Sandes ; "
hence the det. of " city " is attached to it. The same is in the Bor inscription, lines
2, 3: DET. Sanda-da-yas-n a-sisi^) iTi.-ta-is, "the sacred cone of Sandes as
before (?)," the ideograph representing two boots walking backward, and therefore,
I believe, denoting what has gone before. In the inscription of Agrak, near
Kaisariyeh, we have the two proper names Sanda-is and Sandaya-ghas. Sandais
presents us with the same formation as Tarkhais, the name of a town in the
Hittite region in the geographical lists of Ramses III at Medinet Habu, and the
names Nineis, Babeis, Artemeis, found in the Greek inscriptions of Cilicia.
Sandaya-ghas (where I represent the oblique line of the original by a hyphen)
may be a patronymic ; at all events the form is the same as that of Sandakos the
founder of Kelenderis (ApoUod. Ill, 14, 3, i). We may also compare Khal-kis
near the mouth of the Khalos in the neighbourhood of Aleppo. For the derivative
Sanda-mes, see above, p. 149. As Sandan is represented by the figure of the
Semitic Hadad or Dada on the monument of Babylon, I believe that the name of the
king of Azalli called Dadu-imme by Assur-nazir-pal (III, 59) should lie tran-
scribed Sandaimme.
306
Nov. II] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
inscriptions, stands for Sanda-halis, the dividing line between the two
names would practically be the Taurus mountains and the river
Pyramus.i
The minor divinities of the Hittite populations must have been
numerous if we may judge from the compound proper names. The
local divinities were probably each distinguished by a name which was
often identical with that of the State, and how multitudinous they were
is shown by the Treaty between Ramses II and tlie Hittites, in
which we read of "Sutekh the lord of heaven; Sutekh of the land
of the Hittites, Sutekh of Aranna, Sutekh of Zanu-arnda," &c.
{Proc. S.B.A., 1899 p. 194.) Besides Tarku, Tarkhu or Targa,
Sanda or Sandan, and Tessub, we find Luba or Liba, Sapa or Subbi,
Garpa or Girpa,^ Aitu or Eta, Uas, Khila and Mur,^ while Greek
inscriptions give us A and la, Ain, Kida, Ma, Nen, Oa or Ua (the
cuneiform Uas), Opra, Upra or Ubra, Rho, Tbera and Tedi.
Kanza may be detected in Cappadocia as well as Rhege, while
Nana, Nin, and Nineps were doubtless borrowed from the
Assyrians. Perhaps Megessaros, the father-in-law of Sandakos and
grandfather of Kinyras, conceals the name of a god Mege. The
daughter of Megessaros, it may be observed, was Thenake,*^ whom
I would identify with Tanakun, a city captured by Shalmaneser II
on his way to Tarsus. That the Assyrian sa}; "king," had been
borrowed by the Cilicians we know from the fact that the Saros on
which Tarsus stood derived its name from a word that meant
"king."^^
I must now return to Sandan and the goddess of Carchemish,
or rather to the seals on which their names are found. One of
these is in the possession of Dr. Hayes Ward. Here the two
^ At Aleppo it would seem that Sandon was represented by Gar(pa). See
above, p. 286, footnote.
^ Garpa is probably the same as the god Gar, whose name forms the first
element in the compound name Gar-damas, which is coupled with Khila-mmes on
the Bowl. With Gar-damas comp. the (Kh)ir-damu of the bilingual seal. Since,
however, Garpa seems to have been the equivalent of Sandan at Aleppo, the
character da may also have the value of /«, enabling us to read Garpa-mas.
^ Sandan was worshipped in Cilicia under the name of Morrheus (Nonnus,
JJio?:., XXXIV, 188).
■* Apollod., Ill, 14, 3, I. Megessaros is called king of Hyria on the Caly-
cadnus.
■" Another deity was Kamis, who, I believe, was borrowed from the Semitic
Chemosh. His name is certified by the Cilician and Karian Kamis-sares, the
father of Datames.
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIZOLOGY. [1903.
divinities arc mentioned together, Sandan taking tlie first place.
They are symbolised by a twisted serpent with a stag's head. The
Telmessian oracle told the Lydians that the serpent was "the child
of the soil," and thus a fitting emblem of a god who is depicted at
Ivriz as a husbandman. The stag's head reminds us of a passage in
S. Basil {De Mirac. S. Titechc, II, 15), where the "city of Damalis
and Herakles Sandas " is spoken of. This is usually held to mean
Tarsus, of which Sandan was said to have been the founder (Amm.
ISIarc. xiv, 8, 3).^ Damalis, "the heifer," is probably the Greek
equivalent of some local form of the name of the goddess.
On the Lajard seal the goddess of Cachemish is coupled with the
god A whose name is preceded by hers. The name of the god
is written ^ in J. II, 2,- where it is followed by the phonetic ^
complement -me. While the Hayes Ward seal, therefore, seems to
come from the district of Tarsus or Kybistra, the Lajard seal is con-
nected with Carchemish. The two deities are represented in it by a
winged Assur, in which the figure of a human god rises from the
body of a bird. The bird, it will be remembered, is the symbol of
Khila, and we may accordingly conclude that the god was identified
with Assur, " the king of the gods." This brings us to Aramis, who
in a compound Hittite name, as was pointed out years ago by
Dr. Pinches, is similarly entitled " the king of the gods " (Aramis-
sar-ilani).'^ Now Prof. Sachau has shown that Arma was a Cilician
divinity, who was frequently metamorphosed into the Greek Hermes
in proper names of the Greek period {Zeitsch.f. Ass., VII, pp. 95, 96).
Provisionally, therefore, we may identify the god . . . me, the
associate of Khila, with Aramis.^
^ See Ed. Meyer, Z.D.^LC, XXXI, pp. 737, 738. On the other hand it
must he remenil>ered that, according to Macrobius {Sat. I, 17), the image of the
god of llierapolis, or Mabug, had an eagle by the side of it, and at the foot the
figures of three goddesses surrounded by a serpent.
- It is perhaps worth remarking, that the six satellites of the " Seal
character " are represented by angular projections when cut in an inscription. —
W.II.R.
^ The name occurs in a letter K. 11 (Harper, 186), which makes mention of
" tlie city of the Carchemisians. " On the other hand the ideograph in J. I, 5,
interchanges with Sarines rather ihan with Aramcyas in the compound .Sarmes-
arameyas, "king of the city,"' or " Mclkarth,"' but it is the same deity that i;
referred to — the male consort of the goddess of Carchemish.
^ In Paianga 3 the name of the god in question stands between those of
Sandan and a third god whose name is doubtful. Another possible name would
308
Nov. II] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRirTIOXS. [1903.
On the other side of the Lajard seal is a figure of the winged
horse. The same figure is found on a seal belonging to M. de Clerq
and accompanied by the Hittite characters Das. The winged
horse is the Pegasos of the Greeks, from which Bellerophon fell
when attempting to mount to heaven, like the Babylonian hero
Etana, who similarly attempted to scale the sky on the back of an
eagle. Bellerophon was a Lycian hero, and we learn from Homer
(//. 200-3) that after his fall, when he had become hateful to the
gods, he wandered in the Aleian plain. The Aleian plain extended
from the Pyramus westward to Tarsus, and must have included the
city of Adana on the Saros. The form 'A\»//o9 presupposes an
original 'A\oo-/o9, in w'hich I see the Alasia of the Tel el-Amarna
tablets, the Elishah of Genesis x, 4. The Lukki or Lycians,
according to the Tel el-Amarna tablets, were subject to the jurisdic-
tion of the king of Alasia ; Lykaonia was not far distant from the
Aleian plain, and Elishah, the grandson of Japhet, the Cilician
lapetos, was the brother of Tarshish or Tarsus, Kittim or Cyprus,
and Rodanim or Rhodes. The winged horse claims kindred with
the Chimsera, and with the composite animals of Hittite art.
The Hittite names in the Egyptian inscriptions.
Before concluding this Paper something must be said about the
Hittite names in the Egyptian inscriptions to which reference has so
often been made. The corrected names of the cities mentioned in
the Treaty between Ramses II and his Hittite enemies are given in
the Proc. S.B.A., 1899, pp. 195 sqq. To these may be added some
of the names in the geographical lists of Rameses IH at Medinet
Habu, of which the number is very large. One of the lists which
be Simi. Simi, according to Melito in his Apology (Cureton : Spiciles^. Soles-
iiicnse, II, p. xliv), was the daughter of the supreme god Hadad, and put an end
to the attacks of a demon by filling with sea-water the pit in which he lived. I
believe that the name of Simi is contained in that of a certain Abed-simios whom
an epitaph at Treves (C.I.G. , 9892) describes as belonging to a city identified by
Dr. J. H. Mordtmann with Addana or Adana, the modern Dana between Aleppo
and Antioch. The ideograph is probably identical with that found in a fragment
from Mer'ash (Messerschmidt, XXIII, c. 2, as corrected by photographs), where
we have DET.-«a-(j?) "the god," followed by the ideograph in question and a
broken character which may be at. Then we hava "the chief" of a "district,"
the first syllable of which is expressed by the same ideograph, followed by the
human head on a pole and ntd.
309
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF I'.IIJLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903.
follows a campaign that proceeded from the frontiers of Egypt,
through Gaza and Mount Carmel, to the extreme north, carries us
past Sannur or Shenir (Mount Hermon), Amata or Hamath and
Kama or Qarne, to Tursi, Kali, and Malth. Tursi may be the
Tiras of Genesis x, 2, Kali, elsewhere regarded as the extreme boundary
of Egyptian knowledge in the north, seems in the light of the Tel
el-Amarna tablets to be Khali-rabbat, the territory of Milid, and in
Malth, which is also written Mil, I see Milid itself.
Another list begins with Kama and Atu, the Atu-geren of
Thothmes III, which is followed by Tarbus, written Tarbu by
Thoihmes III with the case-ending omitted. I would identify it
w'th Tarbusip, transformed by the Assyrians into Tul-barsip, the
modem Birejik, where the / suffix of Mitannian has been attached
to the name, A little further on we have Tarkhais, by the side of
the Tarkha of Thothmes III, obviously so called from the god
Tarkhu or Tarku. The next name, Ames-tark, also appears to
contain the name of the god.^ Towards the end of the Hst (which
concludes with Kaqth, the Gaga(ti) of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, we
find Nabur. This must be Nibur the Assyrian name of the Taurus.
The name is preceded by Tuna (or according to M. Daressy's reading
Suna), and followed by Irp, which forms the first element in Arpu-
sunni, a name that occurs earlier in the list.^
Another list contains the names of Puthr or Pethor, Khaleb
(Aleppo or Helebi), Amanu or Amanus, Mathna or Mitanni, and
Karkamas Uru "Carchemish the city" (the word uru being an
indication that the list is copied from a cuneiform original). After-
wards come Kannu or Canneh, Kil-sunn(a) with the determinative
of house marking the second element in the name, and Mur-nus or
Mulnus, possibly Mallos.
^ In B.M. 2, a-mis with the determinaiive of " city " must mean " town " or
something similar. See also M. Fi'ont, I, 3, Ames-tark will therefore be
" township of Tarku." Cp. names like Das-Tarkon, Kas-Tabala.
- Irp and Arpu may be compared with the Khattinian city of Ari]nia
mentioned by Assur-nazir-pal. Suna would be represented in Iliuitc by (y,
which is actually the name of tlie country over which the Carchemish king
Mitas(?) is said to rule in J. I, i, as well as (apparently) of that over which the
Malatiych king held sway.
{To be continued})
Nov. II] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS. [1903.
SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS.
By a. Cowley, M.A.
( Continued from page 266. )
OSTRAK A — continued.
Ostrakon II. (From Elephantine, belonging to Prof. Sayce.)
Concave Side.
• • • ^nn::S ^3^ nnr^s ^i 3
jni hn] «to]n'' in «"^
nn "« . •
iV rh ■
p-T.
Convex Side blank.
Concave Side.
I- I- riTi^n is very uncertain. The name apparently occurs also
in Ostrakon IV. I have not found it elsewhere.
T^- 3- i^nn:« or possibly "inn:v
311
2\ov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV
[1903-
I.. 5. t^"^ • • apparently a name. For the termination cf. ^^"^11^5
(as well as rT'll^^) in Ostrakon I. This would seem to be the
jitrson to whom the papyrus relates.
L. 8. i?2T- In Ostrakon IV we have ^?2Dh^ (concave, 1. i) and
'■•^'liT ('^'-j 1- S), both proper names.
Ostrakon III. (From Elephantine, belonging to Prof. Sayce.)
Convex Side.
• • • fper ''^n^ • • • I-
inr • • 3-
Concave Side.
• • • ^?2 Tni^^
• • • t^ ]n rr\r\
• • • rpaS
Convex Side.
Perhaps the address of the letter on the other side.
Above line 3 is p^, belonging to the lower writing.
Concave Side.
L. 2. Not r]'Ti^3, as in Ostrakon II, 1. i.
This fragment seems to be by a different hand from the others.
Tiiere are several marks of its being palimi)sest.
Nov. II] SOME EGYPTIAN ARAMAIC DOCUMENTS.
[1905-
Ostrakon IV, Brit. Mus., No. 142 19. (From Elephantine.
C.I.S., No. 13S.)
Convex Side.
1 pD rh nnnn
pD n^:3^*2 • • . •
in "^nrt^ • • • •
Concave Side.
D
^1 fi7«n i?2int?
• • • i^inQinr^D 7
• • • D ]^iD -^n 8
• • • :LT TT • -9
Concave Side.
L- 2. f]':^^ or l^^^n or -]V^n. In 1. 5 it may be ^'r^n.
The hand is like that of Ostrakon I, but not the same.
3^3 Y
Nov. u] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILiiOLOGV. [1903.
Ostrakon V. (Berlin, P. 8763. From Elephantine.)
y^ . . 6.
The hand is something like that of Ostrakon I.
Ostrakon VI. (Origin uncertain. Belonging to Prof. Sayce.)
Convex Side.
Concave Side.
72« "'T f][D]D ■ ■
■ ■ -^T^h an ^2
• • • mn« -h ■
Convex Side.
L- 3- 7^ rnay be 1Q.
...piT.
Concave Side.
L. 2. ^"^ is very uncertain.
L. 4. Or . . . ^ur.
Perhaps a fragment of a contract or business letter. It is in a
different hand from the others ; most like Ostrakon III.
314
Nov. n] J3UMK ECVITIAX ARAMAIC UOCUMEXTS. [1903.
NOTE BY PROF. A. H. SAYCE.
Mr. Cowley has dealt so fully with the Aramaic papyrus and
ostraka which I procured at Elephantine, that he has left me but
little to add. They were all found in the sebakh on the north side of
the mounds which mark the site of the old cit}', and the papyrus was
discovered along with Ostraka I and III in 1900. Ostrakon VI
I have had for some years, and cannot tell now whether it came
from Karnak or from Elephantine, as I have mislaid my memorandum
in regard to it : most probably it is from Elephantine like the other
Aramaic texts.
In the Persian period Aramaic was the official language of the
provinces, and the texts from Elephantine show us how it was used
by the Jewish settlers in Egypt, and throw light on the origin of
Biblical Chaldee. The only one which bears a date belongs to the
reign of Xerxes, and the mention of the Babylonian coin khallurii
in the papyrus similarly points to the early part of the Persian
epoch. This is further supported by the palaeographical evidence.
Syene (p^) is already referred to by Ezekiel (xxix, 10) as on the
" border of Cush," and the Jews addressed by Jeremiah (xliv, i)
were not only settled in the Delta and at Memphis, but also in
Pathros or Upper Egypt. As Thebes had been destroyed by the
Assyrian forces of Assur-bani-pal, the leading city of Upper Egypt at
this time would have been Syene. It will be noticed that pD or
Syene is named in Ostrakon I, Convex^ 4, as well as in Ostrakon IV,
Convex, 5, 7.
The papyrus records a loan made by the son of Yathma to an
unknown person (X) and Peni (?)-Ptah, upon the whole of which X
undertakes to pay interest and eventually to pay the whole sum
back. On that portion of the loan which was made to Peni (?)T^tah
the interest charged was at the rate of 2 khalluj-u per 7 shekels (?),
while the whole amount of interest to be paid each month upon the
money lent to both X and his partner came to 6 (?) khallui-ii. In
X^ 1 am inclined to see an abbreviation of 7ptl? and the numeral 7.
-Mr. Cowley objects that the sum would be too small, but the
315 V 2
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
khallnru was a small coin and a[)pears as the subdivision of a half-
shekel. If the rate of interest were 30 per cent, its value would thus.
be about 3^/., if 20 per cent, about 2d.
I believe 73,^ to be the Old Persian uihaj.
Ostrakon II. I would suggest the following ap])roximate trans-
lation for the concave side of this ostrakon : " Now see the khatita
which Uriyah has given me for the master of the house, even
Gemariyah the son of Akhio ; and he shall appraise the amount of
payment and reward (?) for Uriyah in the sight (?) of Petosii is ; and
he shall go and write it upon his arm in addition to the writing that
is upon his arm. Thus he sent, saying that they will not forget the
secret message (?) which is written against his name."
^^il-H is some technical term, connected with n2n, perhaps
signif)ing "a present," "bakshish," like siiliiidnii in the Tel el-
Amarna tablets.
With |i^ compare the Assyrian ana, and for the sense of
10 t^^i^ see Dan. vi, 3.
I read t vTf in line 5.
nril!2''^I? seems to be from n^y, " to lie hid " ; cf. Ps. xc, 8.
316
JNov. II] SAIIIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS. [1903.
SAHIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS
IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY.
I.
By E. O. WiNSTEDT.
The only apology I can offer — for apology, I feel, is necessary —
for adding to the vexations of those who toil in the Dead Sea of
Coptic literature is that all the fragments here represented are
Biblical, and translations of the Bible seem after all the best litera-
ture of which the Copts were capable. The greatest desideratum of
Coptic literature is a complete collection of the scattered fragments
of the Sahidic version of the Bible ; and so a collection of the
Sahidic Biblical fragments among recent additions to the Bodleian
Library may perhaps be regarded as excusable, if somewhat tedious.
The collection makes no pretence of being complete. The chief
hunting-ground consists of two boxes, — MSS. Coptic g. i and g. 3, —
containing between them some 120 fragments, of which I only
succeeded in identifying a few. There is little doubt, however, that
■some of the remainder are Biblical ; but these fragments are mostly
small, so small, indeed, that only the occurrence of a proper name
or of a striking phrase enabled me to identify the few I have
identified. Still, to a professed Coptic and Biblical scholar many
words which to me were mute would no doubt speak clearly
enough. Other fragments, almost all those contained in g. i, are
hturgical or hymnical, and patience might have unearthed some
texts in them ; but patience is a virtue in which I am sadly lacking.
In calling them Sahidic Biblical fragments I do not of course
necessarily imply that they are fragments of Coptic Bibles ; indeed,
in several instances this will be found to be obviously not the case.
Some may be from lectionaries, but that in the case of small frag-
ments is difficult to determine ; others are clearly quotations
occurring in sermons ; one or two perhaps come from biographies ;
for whatsoever things are written were to the Copt only so many
excuses for Biblical quotations and references.
These fragments do not, I fear, add many new verses to those
already published : but then, the Sahidic Bible has met with such
317
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
rough treatment, that its reconstruction is ahnost more a matter of
verses than of entire books or chapters, though there are, of course-
some notable exceptions to this, for instance, the complete papyrus
MS. of the Psalms, published by Dr. Budge. One at least of our
fragments — the Genesis fragment — is noticeable for considerable
divergency from the two published versions ; another, that containing
part of Matthew xxvii, for its age : the writing can hardly be later
than the fifth century. Unfortunately one side of it has been so
much rubbed that the letters are often almost or entirely obliterated ;
and that side suffers too from a malady most incident to such
fragments, and exhibited in a more exaggerated form when the
parchment is thin, as is, for exam])le, the case with that containing
Luke xxii, 29-30 : — I allude to the singular perversity of showing
most clearly on the one side the letters which are written on the
other. In the latter case, the Luke fragment, not even the identifi
cation of one side enabled me to make out sufficient consecutive
letters to fix precisely the other. Little wonder then ihat in the
case of another fragment, written in a manner which suggests that
it is part of a psalm, one side almost entirely defied my attempts
to read it, for in this case I did not succeed in identifying the
passage, and with fragmentary MSS., as with some alphabets and
handwritings, it is wonderful how much more one can read when
one knows beforehand what is likely to be there. Fortunately such
difficulties are rare in the case of Coptic MSS. : the admirable
clearness of the alphabet, so different from the confusions of most
Semitic alphabets, leaves little or no room for doubt as to what a
letter is, provided only some traces of a letter are reasonably distinct.
There is only the demon of time and not the demon of illegibility
to fight against. And yet this admirably clear alphabet has given
way before the Arabic language and alphabet, to which latter even
its most ardent admirers can hardly apply the same adjective. For
all that, the Arabic alphabet has foisted itself upon a very Babel of
nations and tongues, rendering a beginner's work in those tongues
a making of bricks without straw ; for, alas ! he cannot read a word
and then look it out in a dictionary ; no, he must first know the
word thoroughly well, and then perhaps he may read it. In Egypt,
happily, we were at least spared reading Coptic in Arabic letters, for,
with the alphabet died the language, except for religious purposes.
Taking the fragments in their Biblical order, the first is MS.
Coptic d. 2, a single sheet frcm a paper MS. containing part of
.^.18
Nov. II]
SAHIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS.
[1903-
Genesis vii in Coptic and Arabic in parallel columns. The Arabic
does not, however, follow the Coptic text, but begins in the middle
of 7'. 14.
\^J ^Ij^ oj J^_. ,»i-2.s J^j j:^^ t^^^^*^
and ends in v. 23.
l^
r^
u^^
.J>J\ ^.. LjI..-j UJ^^-^IL. ^bJll ^
The Coptic contains Z'Z'. 13-20
iiiitoee • UNTeceiiie
iiiicoee • AT(jOT:you
Teiiceiueiiiieq^H
peilUUAq • GTKIBCO
TOG • ATCOIieOlipiOII
TUpOT • KATArnilOG •
ATCjDIXATqeillll
GTKiueXUnKA?
KATA iieTreiKx; •
ATcJuiieAAHTIIIII
eT?HA • KATArOIIOC
ATBCJUKeeOTII • ^'JA
llCOee • CTKIBtOTOO •
CHAT CHAT • CBOA2II
CAp^iiiii • HAiereoT
iinrjAHCjuiieiieH
TOT • ATCOIICTBHK
620TII • OTeOOTTUfl
OTCeiUe • CBOA^IICA
p^HIU • ATBUJKC20T
KATAeei ITAH I lOTTG
etOHCTOOTqin 10326
A noc nnoTTC^TAU
Verso.
pr
epoq • llTKTBtOTOC •
TAiriTACJTAUIOC • ATtO
Aq^^toneiicTinKA
TAKATCUOC • ll2Ue
II200T ■ iiiieueiioT
jyH • 02pAiei3:imKA2
A TCJU AC| A^y A M I CF I n
uooTA{jqeie2pAiMT
Kl BCOTOCATtOAq
3:iccenKA2
croiiHtrinuooT •
ATCO Aq A^y Ai eu A
Te2i:xunKAeTKi •
BCOTOCAciiec^yeei
neeixunuooT • n
ijooTAciieqtrucrou
euATC euATG 63:11
nKA2 • ATCJUAq
2 COBCUTOOTIIILI
6T2COC6 • ATtOT2Ane
CHTHTHC • AHUOT
A 63:iC66>:tOOTUUn
THUUAee • ATOJAq
?(JUBC • FlIITOTCIH
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1903,
Two versions of this chapter have been pubHshed, one from a
Borgian MS. by Amehneau {Recueil de travaux, 1886) and Ciasca,
Bibl. Frag., Vol. I, p- 5 ; another by G. Maspero, Memoires, VI,
pp. 7-8. The Bodleian version differs from both the others,
especially from the Borgian version, than which it is much more
literal. I give below a collation of both, calling the Borgian "B"
and Maspero's " M.''
pii. I. TOC|o?iuo, M.
2. om. iiiKO?n, M. iiTi ^moii t(;, M. im ^yoiiUTn, B.
4-20. CJTKIIUOTOO .... CAjI^IIIII, om. B.
4-7. ^yM|>(3 • AV lUOK (;^()'i'll <;TKII4a)TO(i T\ TOOV UM
ii(;Oiipi()ii • KArAii(;vr(;ii()c • Avto riTiiiioo'rc-
KATAIK-VI'CIIOG • UN IXATIU-, M.
8. zxxU, M.
10. om. II, M.
11. KATA iinvi'oiioo, M.
12-13. c>m. neovii ^iJAiicuen, M. KmovTau;, M.
15. IIAI(3()VII, M.
21. rixonic, M.
20-22. (-eOVII (JTKIiUOTOC; IIMIIA(|, B.
23. AVCl) AIL\()<;I(; illl()VT(; i'JTAII, M., B.
Xh'. 1-6. UTKVr.tUTOC CAOr.A llll()(| • Ari[KA]TAK.\VCIUlC
[,"jti)ii{:] (-All iiKA? n?iir; II ?()()'/• nri -^wvi ri[()v;'jii].
M.
8. A(|(|l, M. (;TK[Vli]. M.
12. om. AVtl), M. ACjAIAI, M.
13-18. c]iJAT[r; TKvJiuoToc Ao \\v. :'j[(i)n(3 ei] ATimioov
M.
20. :xoco oreA, M.
21. MOOT, M.
22. om. II, M.
22. 11 TOOV TlipOV, M.
The Borgian version is so entirely different that it is impossible
to collate it with this side, so I copy it.
320
Nov. II] SAIIIDIC BIBLICAL FRACIMEXTS. [1903.
^TAUUIipO riTKIIiCOTOd OjJOCjTjl liueo- ArillOOV IIIIKATA-
K.WtrUOO trUO^OII GIJATG • A((TtnOVII Tl TKIlitUTOC (-^pAI
eBOA ei^:rfriKA2 • ac^o(3i iiii iilioov • AniiooT (rrio'on
ACJA^AI OIIATO ?l.\Tl HKA? • AG^A{)0.\^ Ho-I I KIIUOTOC • AV(0
iie(iiiA(;(iiiiiv nil nuoov • iiiioov ah ii(3qiinv iiomjooii
GIIATt; • AVCO AH 1 100 V 2mnG IITOOV IIIU GT^IOCCi ?ApC)(i
MTno • A(|2COii(T G?pA-i 63:010 V.
JJS. Coptic^ d. 3, I fol. paper, This page is not actually from a
Bible, but contains a summary or paraphrase of Exoduc xviii and
I Sam. xvi, 14-16, probably taken from a sermon on taking advice,
or something of the kind. The second part — the two verses of
Samuel — is almost a literal quotation of the text, the first has been
treated rather more freely.
^A r^. Y'" P'*o
IIIIAAOCGIiO.VeiinKAeilKIIIIO •
AVtDiooopnecj^yoi^vo? i(3i^JApt)t{(3e
pAKiTopiiiioc • Avao^ T(3pr:i? roovi;
^cuno • AuaivcHc^iioocKpiiiGun
AAOC. • AVU)AriAAO(;A?(3pATr|(3p()V
3:iiier(){)V(3^Ap()'i"<'(3 •
nnA"0IC)OOpilAq>:6OVIU3riAI(3T(3K(3ip(-
IIIK)(| • K^UOOCnTOK AV(0 MAAOG
Ae(3pATt| OpOK • 3:ill?r()()V(3yJApo^O
n(3AA(j flO'l IICO'/(3H(:,\(3X'JAI^U(K)(;
KpilK; UMAAOti • nr(3 IIAA()(; 'llip(JGI(3
pATG^IIIGIlGAIieAri •
.... n
n(3.\(3l()OOpnOVIIIHillA(| • MGIirGipG
o
Al II II l(3i;'J()>:i IG2I lOVGOO VII I .
GtOTUGpOlllTA3:i:y03CIIGIIAK • (3
n
lirUTOII AVOJII
IG20V!K3r!G(jllA^fT()V
_ n .
nil2GlipU)ll(3(3IU)A
T(3(;r
n
' I think the letter I here represent as "' — \ is due to a smudge, as that form
of II is only found, I believe, at the end of lines.
321
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1903.
.... the people from the land of Egypt. And Jothor his
father-in-law went to him in the wilderness. And it came to
pass on the morrow Moses sat and judged the people, and the
people stood before him from morning unto evening.
Said Jothor, " Lo ! what is this that thou doest ? Thou
sittest and the people stand before thee from morning unto
evening."
Then said Moses, "I sit to judge the people, and all the
people come to me to seek judgment."
Said Jothor the priest, " Lo ! thou dost not act rightly in
this counsel. Hearken unto me and I will advise thee."
thou rest and to its place in
(peace) men from
n .
AVtOIIIIIIIMT • IICOKpilieunAAOC
iiiiAVMiii • iieAn?tt)()vnT,\:onoiicG
(jiiToqiliiAepAK^nrccoTii c-poov •
AUU3TCIIG c(OTU ilcATecBcouneq
^•JOIIA(|r;ipr:eillAI • AV(() lAI TO onoT
Tli;'JII(}A(iAIIIII • AiiHKiovoni^^jn
TIIUAV i•JA^pAI(HI()OVII^()OV •
GiTAoiicAovAiiTepenoriTiAiinoimpos
coo-niiiotjiiTooTriunxoeic
nnXRIIGqerieAAIIACj.VGKieiinTG
OTii oTnriAiinoimpoii (ixft iimok
IITOOT(| UrUXOGIC. TGII()V(rG
I IApGIIGK2rieAAACOri()V:'JA.\(':l II 1(;K
UTOGBOA(;l'(-riAIII(- • lirKtUTGIK.A
()Vp(()l IG(:(|G()()VI ini|rAAAGI^IIOV
KinA|K\ • nTGii(-ii r(|(:i
riGi i?:n(:i(iripp()i iG
nGnrTAunoiiiipoii
ll(|>/rAAAGien
ll(:llliA
' 77ie Ictleis here are iiucertaiii.
-J -> -7
Nov. II]
SAHIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS.
[1903-
.... and for every ten : and they judge the people at all
times, and bring every bad judgment of importance before thee,
and thou listen to them.
Moses hearkened to the voice of his father-in-law and did
so : and so it was instituted everywhere from that time unto
this very day.
Then again Saul, when the evil spirit from the Lord troubled
him. His servants said unto him, " Behold, an evil spirit from
the Lord troubleth thee. Now, therefore, let thy servants speak
a word to thee as follows. Do thou turn unto a man who is a
cunning player on the harp. Let us bring him to our
lord the king the evil spirit' he play with
the spirit."
Three parchment fragments from MS. Coptic,
containing
Psalm xxxi, 6-7, 10-13, ^A~'^l^ ^'^"d 19-23 {cf. Budge, p. 32;
Lagarde, p. 117). The text hardly differs from that of the British
Museum MS.
LIE
AKiir;CTeii6T2Apeeoiin(-T^iyov(5iT6n
XIIIXH .
AIIOKAeAIKA2THien^OeiG •
+HAT6AH ATAeT(hpAI IG G^^l'
xei iTOKAKO^to^yre^:
ATaJAKTOT3C6TA •
AIIArKH
KA
Oei \Z\ 1261 lA^iUAeOI I
v" FrenKG
IIAKOnC
pAi iA:xA:xe
IIATG .
IIUUOI
AULiOl
Tiieeii
TOT
01
* Note. — This column, and the one also marked * on the next page, so
printed to save space, are continuations of the coknnns printed on the lefc,
not distinct cokimns.
^ (OUneT, Budge.)
323
Kov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY
Verso.
.\iA'()()(;:vGHTOKnfinAiiovT(: •
I5(;l I AKAI I poC^MI l(:K(riA' •
-r()VA()i(n(ri.MiiiA3:A:^(]riii t
Tri(iii)i •
"'»oiio.\oAunr;KeiieA.\ •
K .
• IIAHAOtHd •
Aito'yGepAiepoK
?IITK
AKTO^'JOIIIIO
TOOIiOAII
KIIAeoriOTe
j'jTopr
KIIAp^AIB(3G
men
riAoniGiLi
II -
AMOK
AGLIG
GTPGT
IJGpGP
ATCO.
Another parchment fragment from the same box, containing
Fsahn cvi, 5-10, 15-20 {cf. Budge, 114).
()G
n
[1903-
(•Al
TAGIOIIII
(illlllKMIGIO
GIAIIAIlKrOIK;
II(-;1IM()'/GIII
^HKIIIIG
II A,"J
IIV(;cpAie
r tt)
GTIi{JllGC|
-rcitjo-ou
'iH)pAOAAA
?llll 0%MI
10
•IMOGTG
Verso.
(Hin
UliUOOVII?ll
IIATUriGTOT
OOVII()VGI»in
IIOTO'G IIIKO',
UBOAIIIIIIA
ABn:soGic
Atjecor.GiiT
ATKCUi-T
A'i'iyAep=o
AVTAUIOII
AVO'f«3*D
ATJ'IIBCII
UU
AVp
-2
324
Nov. II] ' THE YEAR NAMES OF SAMSU-ILUNA. [190:.
These few were the only Old Testament fragments which I
succeeded in finding. Several others, however, which either con-
tained quotations from or references to Old Testament passages, or
which appeared to come from the Old Testament, are reserved,
with the more numerous New Testament fragments, for another
article.
THE YEAR NAMES OF SAMSUTLUNA.
By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns.
Recently permission was granted me to look through a small
private collection of contracts and letters of the reign of Samsu-
iluna, and I take the opportunity to put on record some new dates
or variants of old ones. The excellent edition of the list of year
names given by Mr. L. W. King, in his Letters of Hajtinmrabi,
should be compared with Dr. Lindl's article in the Beitrdge zur
Assyriologie, Vol. IV, pp. 338-402.
It is not quite clear in every case to which year a date is to be
referred. The list here given is subject to all reservations. The
notation is practically the same as that in the editions named above.
1. MU GU-ZA BARA-GE MU-UN-NA-DiM-MA. Probably year 5.
2. MU AB-Ki LUGAL GUB. Probably year 7, see Lindl.
3. MU BAD DiNGiR DA-Di-A UD-KiP- .... Probably year 16.
4. MU GU-ZA BARA (ra) gu-la. Probably year 2 1.
5. MU IGI-E-NIR-KI-DUR-MAH DINGIR ZA-Ma(l)-MA(l) DIXGIR
NiNNi bi-da-ge. Another example puts e before igi.
Another puts mes after mah and omits all after za-.ma(l)-
ma(l). Probably year 22.
6. MU bad kis-ki tik id ud-kip-nun-na mu-un-ru-a. Another
example gives mu bad-kis-ki mu-un-ru-a. Two others
have only mu bad kis-ki. Probably year 24.
325
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.KOLOGY. [1903-
7. ML- ID-Ra(?)-AH(?) DINGIR EN-IJL-LA MU-NA-AN-SUM-BA-NE.
Probably year 28.
8. MU ALAM Gis-KU siG-oi. The date on B^ 2175A is probably
to be read mu alam gis-ku sig-gi ki (?) sagil-la mu-un-
XA-A. Probably year 38, see Lindl.
These readings occur, some of them, several times. The whole
number of occurrences is 28. They serve in some cases to fill out
:he abbreviated forms hitherto known, and should help to fix others.
UPON A SET OF SEVEN UNGUENT OR PERFUME
VASES.
By F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A.
I'hese vases, which are in my collection, are furnished widi lids
which have flattened circular knob handles, finished ofT with a ribbon
ornament of violet colour, giving them the appearance of being tied
on to the top. These lids are mortised to make them fit closely in
the vases, with the object of preserving the scent they contained.
Upon the front of each vase is a name in hieroglyphics, pre-
sumably referring to the contents, incised in the vase and filled in
with a violet colour glaze.
i'he following are the names kindly transliterated by Dr. Wallis
Budge : —
1. J^TO- Sa-ast 5. ^^ 7}'(?)
J] S 'V
2. \^ Ast G. H Thchtn-m-hch
Neb-imi Tfff
V\
Neb-hch 7. ^g Shems
326
Pioc. Soc. Bibl. Arcli., Nov., I'JOj-
ONE OF A SET OF SEVEN OINTMENT JARS.
Belonging to F. G. Hilton Price, Dir.S.A.
Nov. II] SET OF SEVEN UNGUENT OR PERFU-ME VASES. [1903.
These vases, said to have been found at Memphis, are two
inches in height, and are of a greenish blue glazed faience of good
quality ; they possibly belong to the XXVIth Dynasty. With excep-
tion of the vase here figured for illustration (No. 6 of the set), they
are all quite perfect. Dr. Wallis Budge writes me that he thinks these
vases of unguents or essences were probably a selection of several
which could be offered to some deity, or were placed in the tomb
of an individual. In the pyramid times Teta and other kings had
large numbers of such offered in their tombs, but the pots had no
covers. Independently of my enquiries, Mr. W. L. Nash, F.S.A.,
consulted Mr. Herbert Thompson, who gave him some valuable
information, some of which I am making use of in these notes, which
has been kindly handed over to me by Mr. Nash.
With regard to these inscriptions, Mr. Herbert Thompson says :
No. I reads " Amulet of Isis," and is the name of a plant.
No. 7, a plant-name, is generally, but perhaps incorrectly, identi-
fied with T^T^T "^ n M "5. " eai" of corn."
Nos. I and 7 are found together in Boulaq Papyrus, No. 7,
Mariette, I, pi. 38 (3, 5), as constituents of an embalming oil. It
seems probable, therefore, that the names on the jars are the names
of plants, or other substances, from which the essences contained in
the jars have been made. Egyptian plants often bore names derived
from popular mythology: e.g., " Hair of Isis," "Amulet of Isis" (as
No. i); No. 2 may mean "Isis plant"; No. 3, "Lord of Water
plant " ; No. 4, " Lord of Eternity plant " ; No. 5, " Hand plant (?)."
A plant-name is found written in demotic (transcribed into Coptic
characters), ClUllc^l^:, i.e., "plant of the hand," with a gloss
enabling us to identify it with great probability as Potentilla. No. 6,
the one illustrated, reads " Bronze (?) of Eternity plant (?)."
At first sight this name suggests the familiar thehennii, " Libyan
oil," as it is once written on a Xllth Dynasty coffin (Steindorff,
Q /WWW
Sarg. des Sebk-o, p. 16, 1. 5). ^=^\^ r^ fljf 111, but this form is
merely a scribe's error.
No. 7, as said above, has been identified as " Ear of Corn." Mr.
Thompson adds that were it not that Nos. i and 7 are known as
plant names, it might be suggested that in Nos. 4 and 6 8 ° Q
stood for "^1° |o 'ieheh, "oil," and in No. 3, ^ stood for
"extract or essence."
327
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905.
Seven small alabaster vases, with the names of the unguents they
contained written upon the lids in hieratic, enclosed within a case
which bore the seal of Tesh-senbet-f, an officer of high rank in tlie
palace, were found by M. de Morgan in 1894 in the tomb of the
Princess Nub-hetep of the Xllth Dynasty (see fig. and account in
Fouilles a Dahchoiir, 1895. pp. 1 09-1 10). Being unacquainted
with hieratic, I wrote to Dr. Budge to kindly give me a transcription
of them, and in his absence Mr. H. R. Hall, of his Department, was
good enough to write me the following particulars : —
1. Iiekc/iniifi, " oil."
2. hdtet-ni-TJicheunu^ " Libyan oil."
3. hatei-nt-ds, " oil of cedar."
4. hdtet-tit- , illegible.
5. sfet^ " clarified oil."
6. fi-iieferet, " holy oil."
7. seL't-hcl>, " fragrant festival oil."
Nov. II] TIIK TRANSLITERATION OF KC.Vl'TIAN. [190;,.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Lktter of Profkssor Dr. Eugene Revilt,out.
( C 071 fill ued from page 293.)
J'ai cite, dans mes cours, bien des exemples analogues, sur
lesciuels je ne m'etendrai pas aujourd'hui. Si j'ai dit ces quelques
mots, c'est pour prouver que fausse est la methode qui, a toutes les
epoques, veut lire de la meme maniere et en Copte des mots et des
syllabiques dont la valeur phonetique a change selon les temps, les
lieux et les ens ; comme fausse aussi est la methode qui, d'apres
certaines vocalisations d'anciennes voyelles devenues tantot muettes
tantot semi-voyellcs, voudrait pretendre que ces voyelles nont
jamais existe.
( "e n'est pas, d'ailleurs, dans les seuls papyrus demotiques u
transcriptions grecques de I'epoque romaine que nous constatons ces
changements dans la prononciation des signes et des mots, C'est
aussi dans les contrats Ttolemaiques demotico-grecs contenant des
nonis propres ^ A P J ''^— ^ ^ {Patisebak), est ainsi transcrit
Trereo-oi^X''^' ^ ''^ "^^^ "^^ ^ "^ H] <=> © , TTivirojop
{pdiipii/i?-), ^ /i "^ ^ O I , TreTeapnprj^. Le mot wcr ou
^^^ <::z:> ^^ ou "^X c^ *^ w^'A " mort," se lira, comme
en Copte, f.ioi> {aiccp/nov^-, etc.). Le signe fv_9 se lira (ho on
TO, comme en Copte, meme quand il est employe pour . ... ^ ;
^ 1Vi> S II = (jiOoiixo^vO-q^ ; ^ p=^ ^ |^ (pour
^c=^ \ ■-^"), (f)pLaoiJLTov<;, etc. Le mot [1 [1 '^^^ sese/i/n/ — 8,
est devenu -vojti'ev^- a cause de la valeur Copte I'Jiiovii, emprunte
au semitique^ pour ce chiffre 8, comme j^ lune (f| | ) ), est
' Beaucoup de mots out etc changes ;i la liasse epoque pour se rapprocher du
semitique. Je citerai seulement fl 1 7\ q"i a cause du I^'fDC' est devenu iyili^G
en Copte. La lecture Sems est une simple supposition s^ratuite.
329 2
Nov. II] SOCIKTV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLO(;V. [1903.
transcrit loja ou loa avec iin fD emi)runte au demotifiuc dans les
autres bilingues.
A la derniere epoque, la vocalisation copte prevaut generalement
dans le corps des mots. On a, du rcstC; rechcllc complete des
voyelles :
I". ^ = '^ = a;_t = !] = a; <, — ^7 = c a,
.'.. ,^ = i\\=z e; 3". ,„ = qq = w = I. et ; r ^ e =
V, ou ; j^ = "^ — V, ov ; 4". :2^ = ^^ = o.
Quant aux consonnes, je n'en donnerai pas ici renumeration.
Qu'il me suffice de dire que ce sont les correspondantes de celles qui
figurent dans Talphabet de de Rouge, et (ju'elles sont toutes tres
exactement transcrites en caracteres grecs, avec la valeur qu'il leur a
attribuee.
Notons seulement que, pour les sons n'existant i)as en grec, les
bilingues ptolemaiques procedent d'une toute autre maniere cjue les
papyrus demotujues a transcrii)tions. Dans les premiers, le ^l^ est
transcrit <f) ^^ ^^ =z ovvo(J)pL<; et J] \ ^^=^ -^^^^ ^ ®^ =
e(f)covv)(^0'^ ; 'i a (a k.-^ <d:> <rr> ncxtf-erooii (sa force est sur eux)
:= ve)(^0(f)€pov<;. Le T»T^T .v^ ou 1 u .1 est transcrit ^, et le |^ =
( J_) = /' egalement. Ex. : f^ J_1 = Traarj^L^, "^ (1(1 TJ^T \J(B =
pva-L<?, zl S:s. (5 i "^"^ = Ka\ovar)<;, JJJ. \7 ® n <ci=> ^ ^ =
^, ^==^ ^E = xfjaTToapr)^. Les lettres ©,~ J •'' et f su, sont
r\ f\ I niiiM. ^ — -^ /9
transcrites x- Ex- • (J ® (J <^^^ <=^ 'jjf = vt/xt'aoavs,
' On a CL'pendanl aussi pour le \\ les transcriptions 7 et 6. Ex. : ^^^ |~[]
"^^^ i i ® ^ ^ = </>a>/ca7r,J .• ^ «=> ^^ i ^ ^ = koAAou07,$. Cetto
transcription en t n'est pas rare et E'explique ]nv les parenluN hieroglypliiipies du
"^ /' el du O A
- On a cependant la transcription ^^ U \^ -<2>- ^ Jl ziz Topyovs.
'•' Une fois le 1 a ete nuiet comnie une simjile aspire'e, remplacee par I'esprit
conime le /ion'.
Nov. II] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
Jllll, X7 ® a <rr> ^ =: aa)(Trr]pis, p <2 J O ^ = ^ovorrpr]<; ;
\®Ki^^ -■= X^^T^oxpaTT^s, ^I-=>#^y = 7rxopx^^cri<;,
KL±\i = Trerexcovac, XL^X^^^ = ^^^eap-
TToxpaTrjs, ^F=;i^j^^l| = cf>pexlj€vx(ov(TL? ;
-t>1/'^ = (^yaiTra^eou?, ^ \ k^^ \J ^ m ^ = €(f)(t)vvxo9,
i^X±.M = X^-^oxcovcTL,, ^#^y = ^l^evxo^vai,.
Quant aux aspirees douces \ et fj], si elles commencent un mot,
clles sent remplacees par I'esprit (les examples en seraient innom-
brables). Dans d'autres cas, les lettres dites propres a I'Egyptien se
combinent avec les consonnes grecques, Ex.: ^.t^^^^^,^"^ =
(f)pLTTaTr]<;, et de meme tous les autres commencement par />/i/r
ou ////-/, " le seigneur "; }^rnJ(2Dz](2'^ = ^e^avKov,
^raJI-^.A^, Xl^^^ = 4>c^rp-n^\S^^^^^
La regie, en effet, meme en Copte thebain, nous le verrons plus
loin, est de considerer le 0, le 0 comme des lettres doubles valant
lie, re.
Dans les papyrus a transcriptions grecques d'epoque romaine on
a trouve' plus simple de reproduire au milieu de ces transcriptions
i;Tecques, la lettre demotique que ne possedait pas le grec. Pour
le /iori^ cette lettre etait _y) =1X1; le "om d'Abraham sera ecrit
X7 % <=> O -f- ^ 1) ^ ^ et transcrit a/Bpa^^aixe ; ^\^^
ioiiho?- sera transcrit TOVjsop, \^W'f^\^W-f^\'^\^ sera transcrit
(TLCTiAOVT, et ^ ^ '=^=^^ "^ — ^6''^ transcrit a(T€V en donnant a ^^-^ la
valeur u. Farlbis cependant le /lori sera rendu par Vv grec parceque
cette lettre prend toujours I'esprit rude au commencement des mots
r^ ) ,, ^ z=. nil ^ V <S^i^ sera ainsi transcrit uou a plusieurs reprises et
•Q- m VOi ^ transcrit icwol', servira a rendre le nom sacre hebreu
' On lix.uvc aussi 0= ^ dans ^^^w "^ = P p€.T.
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOCIV. [1903.
nin^-^ Le i' demotique le plus habituellement employe est
2? = T^T<L T-e mot demoti(}ue TcT^T 'U ^^^^^ |l '^"f^wj sera transcrit
■^aTevapo. Le mot *^~^ (^ ^ J^T^T (^ sera transcrit yoa/x^yaov.
Le mot ' q--' "^ sera transcrit '^\Tr (avec ^, I'epine dorsale,
employee comme doublon de 2?T = t^J] po"^!" traduire a et (e-,
cc qui est frequent).
Le © ayant pour equivalent <3 sera parfois conserve, comme
dans les premiers essais de transcription de I'Egyptien en lettres
grecques contenus dans les papyrus de Londres et de Paris, depuis
longtemps publie's par moi dans les " Melanges " (papyrus 011 Ton a
egalement employe les lettres demotitjues )—, \, -^^ etc.).
Cela tient a ce que le © = <s> est devenu aussi souvent en Coptc
le 0-. Ex.: ^)Aa^?f. =<3aTe.
l>e 2^.-^ , rendu en demotique par y, sera aussi conserve en grec
yu'^ =vTay\ ^ 3 ))i5^ c = ej— ty. Le ^^ du regime remplace
ici tautivement le \^. Quant au J_ =|,, il transcrit le ,^^^
= Xii.'t, " dire," sans, aucun T comme en Copte.
Dans les planchettes bilingues servant d'etiquettes de momies et
qui sont d'epoque romaine, nous trouvons d'autres transcriptions
analogues, contenant des lettres demotiques au milieu de lettres
grecques. Le hori, 9 =^ A sert a rendre T (= , ^ ou \) dans
"^ ^i| n-n R^ J [|(! ^ © =•. Tpoix7ran8eLTL<;. Dans d'autres cas
c'est le J_ = jI ou le y = ^^ ou le 3, = Mijj- Mais souvent
aussi on se sert du mode de transcriptions en lettres grecques u.->ite
dans les contrats ptolemaiques bilingues.
Nous citerons le y =:= (j), ce que nous avons deja vu dans les
dits contrats et ce qui eloigne de I'idee d'y voir un vu. Ex. :
^°-^^._^^ = {/^orme/i/) Ape/xcj^L,, ^^# J^^^^ =
opcrevov^i<i. Nous citerons encore le ^ =: )_ = (;. Ex. : )),^yz—
=^ °^JY^ i ^H "^ ^^ (TKTOts. Nous citerons aussi ^ z= ^ = rcr et
' Xoub avuus vu plus haut que <-=» l^ est rendu ton, parcc que I'ane se dit lu
en Coptc. On sait que iw est une des transcriptions lialntuelles des niH* dans les
documents gnosliques, etc., des premiers siecles de notre ere.
33-
Nov. II] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
semblant indiquer une parente entre ce f et le tsade^ hebreu, ainsi
tiu'on I'avait suppose deja d'apres les noms bilingues egypto-semitiques
de I'epoque hieroglyphique. Ex. : ^ \ <=> ^U^/l _^ ^9.'=
TTTcrapKes. Dans d'autres cas, ce que nous avions note deja a propos
des contrats bilingues, le |, est transcrit r. Ex. : ^ i <2 () "^ =^
TTTaVTOS C 1^ = o).
Le © est transcrit a.ssi x- ^x. : ^ fl ^ ^ ^ ^ • «■
= ^epcrepixev)(r]<i. II y en est de meme de ^. Ex. : ^ 0 (^[^IJL|'^
= ^avoJ-e(os (au genitif). Le T^T^T est assimile a mi s. Ex, :
,"JO(3pf3).
Je n'en aurais jamais fini, si je voulais citer tous les exemples
analogues ; car les planchettes bilingues demotico-grecques, on pour
mieux dire les bilingues demotico-grecs et demotico-hieroglyphiques,
ou hieratiques sont maintenant innombrables. Nous ne sommes
done pas reduits a des suppositions pour le phonetisme de
I'Egyptien de cette periode.
Rien n'est mieux connu, rien n'est plus net, tant pour les
consonnes que pour les voyelles ecrites, cjui ne peuvent passer alors
pour des semi-voyelles muettes.
La doctrine de I'Ecole actuelle de Berlin est absolument
aneantie, je le repete, pour cette periode ; et si quelques anciennes
voyelles ecrites, devenues muettes, n'ont plus represente les voyelles
parlees, c'est que la prononciation des mots a historiquement change
sans qu'on voulut changer Tortographe, absolument comme cela
s'est passe pour la prononciation de I'Anglais actuel. Personne
cependant ne verra des consonnes dans les voyelles de I'Anglais
ecrit. On me permettra de ne pas citer d'exemples ; car il me
faudrait remplir des volumes in folios si je voulais recueillir et
commenter toutes les transcriptions qui prouvent ce fait d'une iaron
indubitable.
^ Le /sa/ft: est devenu sad en Arabe. Aussi le cr est-il la transcription la jilus
frequente du A".
(To de co)itinHed.)
333
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILtOLOGV. [1903.
ON THE MEANING OF THE PREPOSITION W^-
By Alan H. Gardixer.
The preposition "aJ^ ^ (var. W^j owes its origin to a substantive
^, "occiput,"' "the back of the head," whence it derives its
primitive significance "behind." While this significance is estab-
hshed beyond all doubt, it may yet be questioned whether the
rendering " behind" conveys the entire, or the only, meaning of the
preposition. Several common phrases where ]\F ^ occurs will here
be studied, in which it ai)pears imperative to translate the word by
the English "around."
I. Where the building of a temple is recorded, reference is
frequently made to 3 E 1 "HLP ^ , according to the old translation,
" the walls behind it." Now these walls are commonly said to be of
/'A/V/'ji ('^5 J ), -'ind this at once suggests that the temenos, or
enclosure, walls are thereby indicated. For instance, the temenos
walls at Koptos were built of brick, and so too with the Sethos I
and Osiris temples at Abydos. Similarly on a stele of Thutmosis III
Majesty found the surrounding wall of brick " : here 5
5
whose meanmg (derived from ^ i 1 , " to surround ") is ckar,
takes the place of q E I "W ^ . This latter phrase should accord-
ingly be rendered " the walls around it."
1 Amada Stele, ]. 12 = Rkimsch, Chrcsloiuathic, Taftl 7; slelc ftoni tlic
Icmple of Plah in Kaniak, 1. 4 = Ainialcs dn Service, III, j). 109; Mak.,
Karnak, pi. 40.
- Mar., KaniaL-, pi. 12.
oo4
Nov. II] MKAMNC; OF TIIK I'KEI'OSITION "ft f^},. [1903.
2. A still more obvious case is that of the ceremony f=d ][i: [.
The custom thus described is well explained by M. Moret -^ (he
translates " faire le tour dcrriere le mur ") : " le but de ce rite etait
de faire la ronde autour et d'assurer la possession des naos d'Horus
et de Sit, c'est-a-dire autour du temple symbolisant le monde." The
point is, therefore, that a circuit is made around the temple, not
merely hehitid it. f^^^'aIF : E is accordingly to be translated "to
go around about the wall."
3. In many texts it is told of the gods, that I !> — ^ I V I
c=^, ''they place (spread, cast, or the like) their pro-
tection behind " the king : thus the ordinary translation. But
/'/vtection, as the very word proclaims, is in its proper place not
behind a man, but either /// front of, or around, him. Similarly the
building " im, doubtless "that which places protection," is not
°Booo°
a chamber at the back of the palace, but the palace itself, the
lunlding which surrounds the king, and so shields him from un-
friendly powers. Again, the formula <^8W= Y* U 1 "jJT 2^-==_ , "the pro-
tection of life, stability, and wealth, behind him ! '' as it is usually,
but somewhat unreasonably, translated, occurs in countless instances
beside^ the king's figure. In both these cases yF should be
rendered by '■^ around.^'
4. In the enumeration of a man's virtues, such phrases as the
following occasionally occur:"' '^ / \ W^ 7^ v\ ^ W" V^ ^^
_ A^A/^^LiA ^ JlL s^ — a JT _Zf I I 1
^^ NT" ^ '^^^ '^ surely not to be translated " I did not allow
evils to come behind me," but rather " around me." The former
translation would rather imply that the speaker had failed to sur-
mount evils.
•' Cf. Moret, /)u ia?ai/crc ]\'ligiciix dc la royautc pliaraoniqiic, p. 96,
footnote.
■* It might be urged that this formula is usually, if not always, written behind
the king : against this may be set the numerous pictures where a god presents
•V- , etc., to the face of the king. Moreover, "around" does not exclude
" behind."'
^ Newberry, Reklmiaia, T'l. VII. 1. 18.
■^ --> r
j)j5
Nov. II] SOriKTV OF BIBLICAL ARCII^F.OLOCV. [1903
The transition from the meaning " behind "' to the meaning
"around" is an easy one. It is hard to think the notion "around"
except as a passage from front to back, the movement being con-
tinued on to the original starting-point in front. In the Swedish
preposihon l>a/!om/' " behind," a confusion of the two notions occurs :
and so it is when we say, colloquially, that someone has gone "round
behind" the house. We can therefore hardly be astonished that
^, originally " behind," has developed the secondary meaning
around."
" The elcniL'nl />a/:- is our Lns^lisli invk : -oiii is the (Ifrm.in jireposiiion /////.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at
37, Great Russell Street, I.-ondon, W.C, on Wedncsda\',
December 9th, 1903, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper
will be read : —
Rev. Dr. Lowy : •* Notes on Lilith."
IZ^
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTY-THIRD SESSION, 1903.
Seventh Meeting, gth December, 1903.
Dr. GASTER
IN THE CHAIR.
-^-.e-
[No. cxciii.] 337
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Council of the Egypt Exploration Fund. — "An Atla.s of
Ancient Egypt."
From F. Legge. — "The Gods of the Egyptians;" by E. A. Wallis
Budge, Litt.D.
From the Author, S. A. Cook, M.A. — "The Laws of Moses and
the Code of Hammurabi."
The following Candidates for Membership were elected
Leonard W. King, ALA., British Museum.
H. R. Hall, M.A., British Museum.
R. Campbell Thompson, JB.A., British Museum.
The following Paper was read : —
By Rev. Dr. Lowy : " Notes on Lilith."
The subject was discussed by Dr. Pinches, Dr. Hirschfeld,
Dr. Friedlander, and the Chairman.
Thanks were returned to Dr. Lowy for his communication.
338
Dec. 9] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By Prof. Edouard Naville, D.C.L., &^c.
{^Co7itinued from page 304.)
CHAPTER CLXH.
Chapter of causing a fame (i) to arise under the head of the
deceased.
Hail to thee, thou lion, (2) thou mighty one, with high plumes,
the lord of the double crown, who wavest the flail, thou art the lord
of the phallus, (3) thou art vigorous when ariseth the morning light,
to the rays of which there is no limit.
Thou art the lord of forms, with numerous colours, who conceals
himself within his eye to his children.
Thou art the mighty enchanter among the cycle of the gods,
thou swift runner, with quick strides. Thou art the mighty god
who cometh to him who calleth for him, who delivereth the
oppressed from his tortures. Come to my voice. I am the cow.
Thy name is in my mouth. I am going to utter it. Hakahaka (4)
is thy name. Furaa is thy name. Aakarsa is thy name. Ankrobata
is' thy name. Khermauserau is thy name. Kharosata is thy
name.
I adore thy name. I am the cow. Listen to my voice, on the
day when thou puttest a flame under the head of Ra. Behold he
is in the Tuat, and he is mighty in Heliopolis. (5) Grant that he
may be like one who is on earth. He is thy son, who loves thee.
Do not ignore his name. Come to Osiris N. Grant that a flame
may arise under his head, for he is the soul of the great body which
rests in Heliopolis ; the shining one, the form of the firstborn is his
name. Barokatat'aua is his name.
339 2 A 2
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
Come, grant him to be like one of thy followers, for he is even
as thou art.
■ Said on the image of a co7v, made of pure gold, to he put on the
neck of the deceased. Also if it is painted on neiv papyrus, and
put under his head, there will be a quantity of flames all around him
like those that ate on earth. This is a very great protection, zvhich the
cow granted to her son J^d, after he had gone to rest. His abode is
surrounded by warriors of blazing fire. (6)
Jf thou put test this goddess on the neck oj t/ie King ivho is on earth,
he is like fire in pursuing his enemies, his horses camiot stop.
If thou puttcst it on the neck of a man after his death, he is mighty
in the Netherworld. Nobody zvill drive him away from the gates of the
Tuat undeviatingly.
And thou shall say when thou puttest this goddess on the neck of
the deceased : O Amon of Amons, thou 7C>ho art in the sky, turn thy
face towards the body of thy son, make him sound in the Netherworld.
This book is j?iost secret. Do not let it be seen by any man, for it
is forbidden to know it. Let it be hidden. It is called the book of the
mistress of the hiddeti abode. This is the end.
Notes.
Chapters 162-165 ^^^ ^^ ^ '^^^y '^^^ date. They are of a different
character from the other chapters of the Book of the Dead. They
belong rather to the magic books of the old Egyptians. When they
were written there was a decay in the religion, which drifted more
and more into magic, for which the Egyptians were famous under
the Roman Empire. We find there a great number of barbarous
words unintelligible to us, and probably also to the old scribes, since
they differ widely according to the papyri. They remind us of those
which are found in the magical texts (Chabas, Pap. Alagique Harris,
It is probable that Chapter 162 is older than the following; several
papyri end with it, and it has the rubric J\ v\ ^^^ D v\ this is the
I lid, which is found in the older texts after Chapter 149.
The late Dr. Pleyte, of Leyden, made a special study of these
chapters, and of several others of late date {Chapitrcs supplancntaires
du Livre des Morts, Texte, Traduction et Commcntairc, Leide). The
collation which he published of various documents is the text on
wliifMi this translation has been made.
340
Dec. 9l THE BOOK OF THE D'EAD. [1903.
The vignette generally consists of a cow, having between her
horns a solar disk, with two plumes. Occasionally behind her there
is a goddess with a cow's head having the same attribute. This cow
I consider to be the goddess Nut, the mother of Ra. An image
of the cow, made of pure gold, is to be put on the neck of the
deceased ; or, what would be much easier and cheaper, it is to be
painted on a hypocephalus of new papyrus, and put under the
deceased's head. Part of this chapter is the usual text found on the
hypocephali.
The result of the gift of one of these amuletr, will be that in the
Netherworld the deceased will be surrounded by flames. This is the
effect of the presence of the amulets here described. It does not take
place in this world, but in the other, where Ra himself enjoys a similar
protection, being surrounded by " warriors of blazing fire." This
image seems to point to the magnificent sunsets often seen in
Egypt.
I. All the translators have interpreted ) 'Ijl ^Y " heat," the
vital heat of the body. But this is not the true sense of the word,
which means " flame,"' 1 H | I ''^^.^^ j | " flame of fire." The root
I I implies the idea of darting, springing forth like a flame or a
spark, and not of latent heat. i 'IX ' ^^^ cannot mean any-
thing except a great quantity of flames. These flames will be the
protection of the deceased.
2. The lion addressed by the cow, a god of light and fire, is pro-
bably Ra himself.
3. For the connection between generation and light, see Kuhn,
" Herabkunft des Feuers," p. 70 and ff".
4. These barbarous names, as well as those of the following
chapters, have not yet been explained. Their interpretation is to
be looked for in the African languages, for Chapter 164 connects
them with the speech of the negroes, and the Anti of Nubia.
* D
5. I have kept for [|| Renouf's translation : Heliopolis. But
it must not be understood as referring to the well-known city at the
head of the Delta. m is here a city in the other world. It is
a name belonging to the mythological and not to the terrestrial
geography.
341
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1903.
6. I consider the word J^N^ ITI \\ l of the Turin
text, or according to other pap\ri, ^ fjl] ^\ |1 ^ IX
^Ijra^^^JI, as connected with ^1^ M, hurmns.
CHAPTER CLXIII.
Chapters bro2{ght from another book, in addition to the " eoniing
forth by day.'' Chapter of not letting:; the body of a man decay in the
Netherworld, of rescuing him from the devourers of souls who imprison
men in the Tuat, and of not raising his sins on earth against him, but
of saving his flesh and his hones front the worms and from every evil-
doing god in the Netherivorld, so that he may go in and out as he
likes, and do everything he desires without restraint.
— I am the soul of the great body which rests in Arohabu. I am
protecting the body of Hanirta, the lord of motion, who rests in the
marshes of Senhakarokana.
— O thou soul of souls, who art not unwilling to rise when thou
restest in thy body which dwelleth in Senhakarokana ! Come to
Osiris M., deliver him from the Powers of the god whose face is terrible,
who takes possession of the heart, and takes hold of the limbs ; a
flame rushes out of their mouths, so that they consume the souls.
— O he who goes to rest in his body, and then rises a burning heat,
blazing even within the sea, and the sea goes up because of this
burning vapour, at the time of the morning ; come, bring thy fire ;
pour thy burning vapour on him who will raise his hand against
Osiris JV. for ever and ever.
— Hail, Osiris N'., tliy duration is that of the sky ; thy duration is
the duration of the ultimate circles, (r) 'i'he sky holds thy soul ; this
earth holds thy figure.
— Deliver Osiris iV. Do not let him be carried away by his
enemies, to him who devours the soul, who raises evil accusations.
Restore his soul to his body and his body to his soul.
- — It is he who is hidden in the pupil, in the Eye of Sharosharo.
Shapuarika is his name. He resides on the north-west front of Apt,
342
Dec. 9] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
in the land of Nubia, and he will never navigate towards the
East.
— O Amon the bull, the scarab, the lord of the two eyes whose name
is : he with the terrible pupil. Osiris A^. is the image of thy two eyes,
Sharosharo is the name of one, Shapuarika is the name of the other
one. He is Shaka Amon, Shaka Nasarohaut ; Tmu who illuminates
the two earths is his true name. Come to Osiris jV., he belongs to
the land of Truth, do not leave him alone. He is of the land which
is not seen again.
— Thy name is with the mighty Glorified. (2) He is the soul of
the great body which is in Sais of Neith.
Said on a serpent having iivo legs, and bearing a tiuo-horned disk.
Two eyes are before him, having two legs and tivo 7i'ings,
In the pupil of one is the image of one raising his artn, with the
face of Bes, wearing his plumes, and having the back of a hawk.
It is painted ivith anti and shethu, mixed ivith green colour of the
South, and with water from the Western Lake of Egypt ; on a bandage of
Jieiv linen, in which all the limbs of a man will be wrapped.
Thus he will ?iot be driven away from all the gates of the Tuat ;
he will eat, drink, ease his body as if he were on eai'th ; no outcry ivill be
raised against him ; his enemies will be fotverless (?) against him.
If this book is read on earth, (3) he is not carried aivay by the
fnessengers., the wicked ones who do evil on all the earth ; and
he will not be wounded, he ivill not die from the blow of the king. He
will 710 1 be taken to prison ; for he zvill go in to his attendants and go
out victorious, he zvill be free from the fear of evil doers who are on the
whole earth.
Notes.
This Chapter begins with a general title applying to 163-5, ^"^
probably to other ones not included in the papyrus of Turin :
" Chapters brought from another book, an addition to the coming
forth by day." This means that these chapters were not considered
as belonging to the <==> ^^^^ '^ " the coming forth
by day," the original Book of the Dead, which in old times ended
with Chapter 149, and later on with Chapter 162.
The vignettes represent the figures described in the rubric for
which the chapter was written.
343
^ II O I
duration of the ultimate circles."
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLIC.\L ARCHEOLOGY. [1903.
Dr. Pleyte first discovered that this Chapter is a kind of dialogucv
consisting of words spoken by the god, and a prayer addressed to him
in favour of the deceased. The strange names which occur in the
text lead us here also to Africa, since it is said of the deceased that
he resides in Apt of Nubia, Napata.
I. A papyrus, in Turin of a woman, reads here /v\ 00-=^ y
^ *^ //Mil I O I
0 ^ O V^^i etc., "thy duration is the
:les."
i Chuu. Renouf either keeps the Egyptian
word, or translates : " the Glorious ones, the Glorified." .See note i,
ch. I, ch. 15, etc.
3. The amulet has also an influence on earth, it protects a man
against hidden dangers, which arise not from men but from
some invisible causes, and agents like those evil messengers,
probably spirits, who might be called " angels." I believe that
' '''' ' v^ S: _j\ AW.AA I , " the blow of the king," must mean some
sudden illness like ^^ "^ ^^^^ 1 . Dr. Pleyte also considers
this part of the rubric as applying to a man's life on earth ; there is-
only this expression <r:> / [) 1 which does not agree with this
explanation, and would rather lead us to think that what is described
in this part of the rubric takes place in the other world.
CHAPTER CLXIV.
Another Chapter.
Hail, Sekhet, Bast, daughter of Ra, lady of the gods, who holdeth
her fan of plumes, the lady of the scarlet garment, the mistress of the
white and red crown, the only one who stands above her father,
when there are no gods to stand above her ; the great magician in
the boat of millions of years, lofty when she rises in the abode of
silence, the mother of the Shakas, the royal wife of the lion Haka.
These are the forms of the princess, the mistress of the funereal
344
Dec. 9] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1903.
chamber, the mother on the horizon of the sky, the joyful, the
beloved, who destroyeth the rebels collected in her fist.
She stands at the prow of the boat of her father, in order to strike
down the evildoer, in order to place Maat at the prow of the boat
of Ra.
Neith, the burning one, after whom nothing remains ; she who'
follows Kaharo, who follows Saromkaharomat is thy name, thou art
the mighty burning wind behind Kanas, (i) at the prow of the boat of
her father Haropukaka Scharoshaba, in the language of the negroes
and of the Anti of the land of Nubia (2).
Acclamations to thee, mightier than the gods; thou art praised by
the gods of Hermopolis, the living spirits who are in their tabernacles.
They give praise to the valour of Mut (?), (3) and they begin to bring
offerings to the mysterious gates. Their bones are sound, they are
delivered from dangers ; they become powerful in the eternal abode :
they are delivered from the society of the wicked one, the spirit with
a terrible face, which is among the assembly of the gods.
The child (4) who is born of him with the terrible face, will hide his
body to the cursed serpent whose breath is burning ; because he has
found the names ; the mysterious lion is one, the soul of the dwarf
(is the other). As for the eye of the great one, the princess of the
gods, her name is she who partakes of the name of Mut.
His soul is powerful, his body is sound ; they are safe from the
abode of the enemies who are in the society of the wicked one.
They will not be imprisoned.
These words which were spoken by the mouth of the goddess
herself have become the words of the goddesses, and the male gods,
and of every soul to whom a burial is given.
Said on a Afut having three faces : one is the face of the Pekha-
vulture having livo plumes ; the other is the face of a man, zvearing
the red and the white crown. The other is a face of a Ner-vulture,
having ttvo plumes, with a phallus and wings and the claws of a liofi.
It is painted with anti zvith 7-esin (?) mixed with green colour, on a
scarlet bandage. There is a dwarf in front and behind her ; he looks
at her and wears two plumes. He has one arm raised, a?id he has
two faces, one of a hawk and the other of a man.
He whose body is wrapped up in these bandages, he is mighty among
the gods in the Nctherivorld. He is never repulsed ; his flesh and his
bones are like one who never died; he drinks at the source of the river,
345
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1903.
he receives fields in the garden of Aarni ; a star in the sk\ is given
to him.
He is delivered from the fiend-serpent with a burning mouth. His
soul will not be imprisoned like a bird ; he will be lord of those around
him, afid he will not be eaten by 7vorms.
Notes.
The translation of these magical Chapters is still more uncertain
than that of the rest of the book, and the text is often very corrupt.
The vignette consists of the three figures described in the rubric.
That which is given here is taken from the Turin papyrus. It differs
slightly from the description and from the vignettes of the other
texts. The middle figure should have a man's body with a lion's
claws.
(i) A papyrus at Leyden reads here 00^*^ ' '^^^ enemies.
(2) There it is said distinctly that these barbarous words belong
to African languages. They are probably not all proper names ;
some of them seem to have a sense which we have not yet dis-
covered, for instance, the word Shakas in this expression : the
mother of the Shakas.
(3) Very uncertain text.
(4) These words seem to apply to the deceased,
(^To be continued.)
34^^
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1903.
PLATE LVII. THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
^
ll'i
Chapter CLXII.
Lepsius, Todtenbuch.
Chapter CLXIV. Lepsius, Todtenbuch.
Chapter CLXIII. Lepsius, Todtenbuch.
Chapter CLXV. Lepsius, Todtenbuch.
m
Chapter CLXVI, Aa.
Chapter CLXVII, Aa.
Dec. 9] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE HITTITE
INSCRH'TIONS.
By Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D., ^c.
( Co7i fin ited from p age 310.)
I now pass to the names of some of the Hiltites mentioned by
Ramses H at Abu-Simbel and the Ramesseum. The general of
the Hittite cavahy was Targannas, a derivative in -na from Tarku,
and so denoting "he who belongs to the god Tarku," i.e., his son.
The captain of the archers from Qibsu in Comania was Targa-tazis ;
another cavalry captain was Pais or Pis, with which the name of
Pisiris of Carchemish may be compared. Then there is a Tidal and
a Tadal, variant forms of a name which may be identified with that
of Dadil of the Kaska, who are called Hittites by Tiglath-pileser I,
though we may also read Tidar and compare the Cilician name
TeSi-api<f. With the termination of Dadil compare that of Matil king
of Yakhanu in the time of Tiglath-pileser HI. Matti was a king of
Atuna in the neighbourhood of Sinukhta, between the Karmalas and
the Tokhma Su, at the same time. Agam was captain of the archers
from Panas, Garba-tas the charioteer of the Hittite king. In
Garba-tas we probably have another derivative suffix, Garba being
the god Garpa.* Zawazas came from Tonis, perhaps the Tuna of
the Assyrian inscriptions, the Tyana of the Greeks. Another name
is . . ngam, with the same termination as Agam ; we may compare
also the names of Eta-gama and of Tarkhi gamas, a Hittite city
* One of the foreigners implicated in the conspiracy against Ramses III was
Garpus. With the suffix of Garba-tas compare that of Tarkondimatos by the side
of Tarkond^mos. Perhaps we have the same suffix in the name of the Malatiyeh
king.
347
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1903.
captured by the Vannic king Mcnuas. Finally we have Sapa-sar,
the son of the Hittite king, and Sapa-zal his brother, both names
containing that of the god Sapa, while the element zal is found in
the name of the Komagenian Kata-zil as compared with Kati of the
Que and the land of Kata-onia, which may have been called after
him. At Abu Simbel Champollion further copied an imperfect
name Lubaur . . . This is evidently Lubarna, which thus carries
the name of the later Khattinian princes back to the age of Ramses.
These excerpts from the Egyptian monuments will not be com-
plete without the concluding words of the famous Treaty between
Ramses II and his Hittite antagonists as restored by the excavations
of M. Bouriant {Recueil dc Travaiix, XIII, p. 159 ; XIV, pp. 67-70) :
"That which is on the (Hittite) tablet, on the obverse represents the
image of Sutekh the god of the Hittites embracing the image of the
prince of the Hittites, surrounded by an inscription to this effect :
' The seal of Sutekh the lord of heaven,' and ' The seal of the writing
made by Khata-sar, the great prince of the Hittites, the powerful, the
son of Mur-sar, the great prince of the Hittites, the powerful.' That
which is within the frame is the seal of Sutekh the lord of heaven.
That which is on its side represents the image of the god of the
Hittites embracing the image of the princess of the Hittites sur-
rounded by an inscription to this effect: 'The seal of the Sun-god
of the city of Arinna, the lord of the earth,' and ' The seal of Putu-
khipa, the princess of the land of the Hittites, the daughter of the
land of Qizawa[dana, the ... of] Arinna, the mistress of the earth,
the priestess of the goddess,' That which is within the frame is the
seal of the Sun-god of Arinna, the lord of the whole earth."
As the Sun-god of Arinna was associated with Putu-khipa we
may gather that the land of Qizawadana was in the neighbourhood
of Comana. In this case the Mitannian god Khepa was adopted
by the Hittites, or else it was originally a Hittite god adopted by
the Mitannians. It will be noticed that the queen is the "priestess
of the goddess," and that both Khata-sar and Putu-khipa were
represented in the same position as the high-priest at Boghaz Keui,
in the embrace of the god. Sutekh, "the lord of heaven," here
corresponds with Tarku the husband of the Sky-goddess at Fraktin,
while the Sun-god is "the lord of the earth," like Attys on the
seals.
348
Dec. 9] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
Translation of the Inscriptions.
J. II. I, DET. - ID. Gar-ga-me-is-DET. det. - id.
Tlie dirk-bearer of CarcJicmish of the Calf land {and) of
det. Khatta DET.-Khila - * -mc
the land of the Bittites, Khila - * -me
2. a-na ine-i(//?) id. - u (?)
the king am [ ; the po7ferfi//, the minister {?)
det. Aram (?)-mc id. id. tame
of the god Aramis (?), the head of the earth, supreme
JX n
Oi'er the ni?ie ; to ivhoni
3. DET. Khila lal (?) Khatta . . id.- \{n ?)-
the goddess Khila has given the Hittite ; the princely,'^
DET
4 id . -u (?) me - i ga (?) - arf ana
.... the powerful {am) I : the priest {t) of the
id.
of the sanctuary (?)
6. rae-yas ... § a-ta n-yas-u (?) id.-u(?) ana ix id.
ine the 9 great gods ;
khil - li - a
ofthefoe{?)
* Or did the name of the father of Khila- . . mc come lucre?
t Or rather ^<7-«(5, \\\i& ga-ab-s, in ]\I. I, 2.
X Messerschraidt reads |([| " the lordl}-."
§ Perhaps we have the phonetic spelling of this group of ideographs in
J, I, 4, {i)s-ina-si-a-ia. Does it mean "among men "?
349
IX ID.
9 great gods
5. ID.
IX - as
7vho loies
the 9 {gods)
[a-] na-[yas] .
. . . DET.i
the kingly . .
div-
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1905.
7, iD.-ta-a-li-s (?) iD.-u (?)-i-yas a-na id.
the slaughtercr{?) powe7-fid ; the ki7ig, the lord
8 a-na id. id.-u (?) me - i
the great king, the powerful {am) I.
This is the easiest of the inscriptions, as it consists merely of a
string of titles like many Egyptian texts. The king bore a name
parallel to Sapa-lulme or Sanda-sarmi, and signifying " beloved of
the goddess Khila." I conjecture that the ^M>^ which is occa-
sionally added to a vowel (or word) at the end of a sentence when
it is closely connected with the succeeding one, denotes the sonant
nasal. Lines 4 and 5 seem to mean : "priest of the 9 great gods,
loving the 9 (gods) of the sanctuary (?) " since the ideograph
"loving" has no -j/ie attached to it, and the following numeral is in
the accusative plural. For the translation of -^ as " sanctuary "
see above. In line 7 the ideograph of " knife " shows that the
word must have something to do with " slaughtering " or " subduing,"
like the epithet ^% ^ "^ (Bor i and 2). Perhaps tali was
the phonetic rendering of it.
This is one of the texts which seem to necessitate our making
the numeral III the ideographic symbol of " Hittite " (cp. J. Ill,
3). Phonetically, however, it had another value, since in B,M. 4
we have {a)s-J^-ga-s-?ia-is, and on the Bowl i-mis-ga-J^-s{?)-ma.
Whether this value was asgas, asga, gas, or seg must remain
doubtful.
Mer'ash. I. a-me-i Sanda-#-m-«-u(?)-i-is-s Kali-khatt-a-na-s
I (am) Sa7ida-*m-ms son of Kali-kKattisi^)
KHiLA-khila-qa-a-na-i-s-DET. sar-mi-(?)-i-s Mar-qa-si-i-s
the Cilician, the king of Mer'ash,
iD.-is iD.-i-s iD.-na-a-ya-s
the warrior, the conqiieror, the lordly,
Sanda-*-m-*-u(?)-is-si-s
belonging to the city of Sanda-*-ni-*-is
2. ID. of city iD.-s Ma-[ar]-qa-si-s-DET. Aram-a-as-DET.-si-s
lord of the toivn of Mer'ash of the Arafncsans{f),
350
Dec. 9] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRirXIONS. [1903.
, . . iD.-s Ma-ar-qa-sis(?) ga-al-s Sanda-*-m-as(?)-u-(?)-
. . . lord of Merash the priest of {the city) of Sand a-
is-si-s Kali-khatt-a-na-s
*-fH-is, the son of Kali-khattis(J)
3. iD.-na-a-s Aram-a-as-si-s iD.-i-[s]
the lord oj the Aratnceans, the conqueror
iD.-n-a-n-a-s Mar-qa-si-s-i id.-id.-s-det.
belongi?ig to the lords of Merash of ... .
iD.-s DET.-n-ui(?) DET.-ya-mis
the lord. To the god I myself
The inscription thus begins in the same way as J- I. but with a
longer enumeration of titles. A similar name to Kali-khatt(?)-anas
occurs on three of the Schlumberger seals (2, 3, 4), Sandai-khatt(?)-
(a)nas.
I. I read sartnis rather than ada-mis, since the suffix -t?ii is
rarely attached to a-da, while sarmis is vouched for by the name of
the Cilician king Sanda-sarmi in the time of Assur-bani-pal. Ada-na,
it will be remembered, was built on the Saros, and Hittite names
like Khata-sar have long since been explained as " Khata (is) king,"
an explanation now confirmed by our finding that the son of the
Cimmerian chieftain Tugdamme who was killed in Cilicia bore the
name of Sanda-ksatra. Ksatra is the Persian khshatra " king," and
thus the equivalent of the Assyrian sar and Hittite ada. Similarly
in the Tel el-Amarna tablets we have the name of the Mitannian
Dunip-ipri, " Dunip is king." The deified city of Dunip was situated
in a district where Hittites and Mitannians contended for the
mastery.*
In the Greek inscriptions of Cilicia also we have Rho-zarmas,
Troko-zarmas, and la-zarmas or A-zarmas, to which Prof. Sachau
would join Sadasamis for Sanda-sarmis. The name of the river Saros
is of itself sufficient evidence that the Assyrian sarru had been
borrowed by the Cilicians.
* Or is it " prince of Dunip," Khala-sar being in the same way "prince of
the Hittites"? See Proc. S.B.A., 1899, p. 199. The fact however that the
first element is sometimes the name of a deity like Sandan or Rho, is against
this explanation.
Di£C. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1903.
The character whicli follows Sanda-*-//! in line 2 seems to me to
be the ideograph of "king" w^. Dr. Alesserschmidt, however,
makes it the ass's head. There seems to be the same interchange
•of characters in Izgin D i and C 2. In any case it is the equivalent
of (^^ in line i. The same character is found in Izgin D i after
Khatt-a and before ^.\-iia, and must not be confounded with (^
,i,'rt'r. The royal name, it will be noticed, terminates in -m like Agam
on the Egyptian monuments.
The word I have translated "warrior" takes tlie place of "dirk-
bearer " in Bor i.
2. At the end of the titles we have the picture of a hare accom-
panied by the knife and the suffix -s, as well as the determinative of
place, which seems to be attached to this word rather than to that
which follows (iD.-i- "lord"). Were it not for this, I should be
tempted to read here the name of Mutallis, for though the knife has
the phonetic value of 5/ (or asi) in J. II, 7, it is the determinative of
the word talis^ and the proper name which follows amei, " I (am),"
might be explained as meaning " the descendant of Sanda-*-m " or
evea. as "he who belongs to the land of S." Elsewhere, at all
events, the suffix-;;/(?)/i- or -?/(?)/V denotes " belonging to," more
•especially "belonging to the land of" {e-g-, in And. i), and in
H. I, 3 "the district of Sanda-*-m " is referred to {Sanda-^-fiia-a-ria-
yas DET.). When we remember that Tarkhi-gamas was the name of
a Hittile city captured by the Vannic king Menuas in the neigh-
bourhood of Malatiyeh, and that the character which denotes Sanda
appears to have the value of gar in the Aleppo inscription, the
question arises whether we should not read Sanda-*-m as Sanda-
gam-m. Indeed an adventurous spirit might even read Gur-gum-m
and transform the following word into Mar-qas-a-na-s, since J^ has
the phonetic value of gas. This is made clear by B.M. 4, a-na-as
'^-^^-ga-s-na-is "the S(a)gasian king" (parallel to the Karaburna
Si-na-s-m-a-fia-is-s) and <?'^-<^D0--^(?) on the Bowl. But ga or ka is
not ga {gha), and the uniform evidence of the inscripiion.s (H. V, i,
J. I, I, Kirsh-oghlu i, Bab. i, B.M., and the Izgin Obelisk being
the only exceptions) shows that after " I (am) " the order is :
(i) proper name, [(2) father's name], (3) territorial titles with
-determinatives.
Dec. 9] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
J. I. I. DET, a-me-i Me-ta(?)-a-s Gar-ga-me-si-ya-s-DEx.
I {am) MitasQ) the Carchemishian
DET. iD.-s DET.-na-ui{?) DET. ya-iiic-s
of the land of .. . To the god I myself
A-ra ....
the city (?)...
2. ... na-[s]-DET. iD.-n-na-s det. Khila-me-s
the Suntan (?) {and) Khilames
Gar-ga-me-si-ya-s-DET. aba-gali-s id-det.-u(?)
the Carchemishian the high-priest have given
Sarmis-s-A-ra-RA-me-yas-DET.
of the king of the city (?)
3. sun(?)-na-yas-DET. Sar-me-s-s-Ara-m-a-DET.
belonging to the city of the temple, of the king of the city (J)
ID. Sar-mis-s-Ara-m-a-DET. sarmi-n-DET.
the images, of the king of the city (?) the royal city.
1. The name may also be read Mbas or Ambas and compared
with Cilician names like Mw?, Movlaav^ 'Afju-juoa^, 'Ovrpd-^iwai^, Kica-
fiovaai^, or the Pisidian Nai'va-uoav. We may also compare the
name of Mapeis at Selindy. If Mitas is the reading, it would be
identical with the name cf the famous king of the Muska or Moschi
in the time of Sargon. Cf also the name of Matti of Atuna and
Matil of Yakhanu. The name of the country expressed by the ideo-
graph of a house also occurs among the titles of the Malatiyeh king.
There was a time therefore when Carchemish was the capital of the
kingdom which the Assyrians called Khali the Greater. The
Moschi, we are told (Dion. Hal., I, 26, Strab., 549), derived their
name from a word signifying a "house"; was Mitas "the
Carchemishian " king of the Moschi? As we have already seen, the
word for "house " in Hittite was probably sunna ; it must be noticed,
however, that the ideograph expressing the name of the country is
differently formed from that which signifies a "temple."
2. The proper name Khilames is written Khila-m-me-s on the
Bowl and at Bulgar Maden 2. A similarly formed name is Sandames
353 2 B
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1903.
on the Kouyunjik seals, written Sanda-da-me-s on No. 5, Sanda-
m(e)-s on Nos. 6, 7, 8.*
3. Sarmis-Arameyas might mean " the Aramaean king," but is
more probably the equivalent of the Semitic Melkarth. See above,
p. 351, note I. The picture of a god's image is determined by
two "word-dividers,'' which, I suppose, indicate a plural. t
\\'ith sarmi-n cp. Bab. 3, 6 : sar-mis and sar-mis-i with the
determinatives of "place" and "city."
Before leaving this text it is necessary to draw attention to the
fact that in line 2 the ideograph of "city" U is attached to the
phonetic characters a-ra^ and therefore must have the value of ara
or ra. This explains why it is that in J. Ill, 4 the bull's head
appears to mean " city." In the last line of J- I, after the accusative
*' Khilames the Carchemishian, the high-priest of the gods of the
sanctuary," we have, in the nominative, the word iii^yrai 11 \-mc-s U
■with the adjective " powerful " in agreement with it. The same
word is found in another inscription from Carchemish (Messer-
schmidt, XV, B 2) written with mr instead of w/, and followed by
the word "godlike" (the ideograph being the same as at the end of
J. II, 5), and the participle ga-i-s-ga-i-s "causing to be made"
\gal-Ii-ya i-yas-i-s-s-i "a jjriest of the shrines"; see J. Ill, 2).
A-u{})-ra-m-a (perhaps with the suffix na) again recurs on the
Obelisk of Izgin D 8 after " 9 cities."
-nath I, II, III.—
]. A-me DO', ta-me-s
Lu(!»)-ba(?)-su(?)-n-s
iD.-na-ya-s
I {am) i he prince
Luba-sjinnai^)
the lordly
I-qa-da-a-na-DET.
ID.
of the district of Iqada
tJie king ;
* With Sandames and Khilames compare names like Panammu, Tutammu,
Giammu, Pisidian Nanna-moas, Karian Panamyes, to which Prof. Sachau adds
Panemou-teichos. On the Kouyunjik seals Samia-nies is an adjective, " (seal)
belonging to .Sandan."
t Thai the repetition of an ideograph denoted plurality is clear from a
comparison of the different forms of the name of the city over which the
Hamathite king ruled: dp djS £ (II. V, I ; IV, 3), (tjp r| (H. V, 4;
■ IV, 3). Here the duplication of the character is plainly etiuivalent to tlie
determinative of [>lurality which accompanies it.
354
Dec. 9] DECIPHERMENT OF IIITTIT]': INSCRIPTIONS. [1903.
2. ID. -a A-ma-[at ?-ti ?]-i)F.T. iD.-ya
of the city of Hamnth I have conquered
ID.-DET.-DET. Na-(n)as-ya id.
the lands. I have 7vritten the inscription
Mi-ta-a-na-s-DET. det. Khat-ta-i-s \^var. II.
being a Mitannian of the Hittite land.
Ar-ga-a-na-(n)as-ma-a-DET. det. Khat-ta-nas ; III.
fro/n Argana a Hittite
ma-s(?)-na-ni-a-na-(n)as-DET. det. Khatta-nas
a Masnamatiiani^) {and) Hittite.'\
3. iD-ya i-yas- a m-ma-a
/ have made {restored) in the temple what destroyed
Sanda-*-m-a-na-yas det.
he of the land of Sanda-*-m.
1. Tames gives us the phonetic reading of the ideograph
" supreme." The word forms the second element in the name of
the Khatlinian king Tu-tammu as compared with Tu-ates.
Igada-na, or rather Ighatua-na, must be the genitive after "king."
There is a parallel passage in Bor 2, where however the word for
"king" or "prince" precedes the locnl name: . . nayas ana-as
Khila-gha-7i{a) "the lordly, the prince of Cilicia."
2. Na-yas-ya would be pronounced nas-ya or an-nasya (?).
For the Hamathite city of Argana see above. Possibly we
should translate : " I have written inscriptions in the land of Argana
in Hittite." The analogy of the Karaburna text would lead us to
infer that Masna (?) is rather the name of a king than of a country —
"the land of Masna." At the same time the second character is
doubtful, and may therefore represent the syllable ta or tan of
Matana, Mitanni. Perhaps masn{a) is "inscription," see above.
3. The ideograph is elsewhere the determinativ-e of authority,
and precedes the knife in H. IV, 2, V, 4. Here too it is natural to
suppose that the same verb is intended with the signification of
"cutting down " and "destroying."
The most natural interpretation of iyas-ta would seem to be :
" this temple " ; but apart from the fact that the demonstrative
355 2 B 2
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILEOLOGV. [190J.
precedes the noun, it is excluded by the Bowl inscription, where ia
must have either a locative or a dative meaning.
In place of the patronymic at the end of the text we have iiT
II the name of a country written Nai^)-\v>.-qa-s. The ideograph
is of unknown phonetic value, and qas may be a suffix as in the
Sandaya-qas of the Agrak inscription. The ideograph is found in
J. Ill, 3 and 5 (where it seems to be the name of a deity).*
* The form Saiida-'.i-ma-ua-yas is the same as that of Sauda-u-yas (B. ^L I),
" belonging to the city of Sandas."
{To be continued.)
356
Dec. 9J EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (VII) [1903.
EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS.
VII.
By Percy E. Newberry.
48. Sat-aah, Queen of Thotmes III. — In his History of
JLgxpt, Vol. II, p. 99. Prof. Petrie gives the names of two queens
of Thotmes III, namely Meryt-Ra-Hatshepsut and Nebt-u, but since
tb^t volume was printed the tomb of Thotmes III has been
discovered, and in it has been found a scene and inscriptions
recording a third queen, by name Sat-aah {Bull, de Plnst.
Egyptien, 3rd Series, No. 9, PI. VI). She appears to have been the
first Avife of Thotmes III, and that she predeceased him is shown by
5ier being described in his tomb as :^lfl i v\ , whereas Meryt-Ra
survived him, as she is called jT \ . Both queens bear the title of
1 ^^, "the Great Royal Wife," but Meryt-Ra can only have
assumed this title on the decease of Sat-aah. The parentage of
Sat-aah is recorded on a limestone table of offerings in the Cairo
Maseum; l^^^^eJ)^ P S^^^,^2
^Q])° V^T "^ ' "1'^^ Great Royal wife Sat-aah, justified, born
of the Great Nurse, the iieter shed, Apu, justified." Besides these
notices in the tomb of her husband and on the limestone table of
offerings, she is mentioned on the following monuments : —
{a) Limestone bas-relief at Karnak found by M. Legram in
1898. Here the I ^^ [ ^.<=^ ^^ I T I ^^ represented standing
in front of Thotmes III {Bull, de Plnst. Egyptien, 3rd Series,
No. 9, p. 96, PI. VII).
{l>) Fragment of limestone (Mar., Alydos, II, PI. 40^).
{c) Scarab. {Petrie Collection.)
{d) Limestone block (now destroyed ?) seen by Wilkinson in
1827 at Karnak {Materia Hieroglyphica, Pt. II, p. 109, publ. 1828).
357
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGV. [1903.
49. The Queen of Kha-nefer-Ra Sehek-hetep III. — On
a fragment of an ebony box in the Cairo Museum is an inscription
which gives the otherwise unrecorded name of Kha-nefer-Ra's Queen
f^f t/^'^ Za-n , and the half-destroyed name of a Prince,
which can only be restored [IL/vwwvJ, Amen-hetep. So far as I am
aware this is the earliest instance of the name of Amen-hetep
occurring among the members of the Egyptian royal family. The
inscription on this little piece of wood reads : ^,r>^^i>^^ 'k)^
50. A Prince Aimenhetep of the Seventeenth Dynasty. —
Another early prince of the name Amenhetep is recorded on a
small limestone stela in the collection of Lord Amherst of Hackney
(PL I, fig. i). This stela was found in the Drah abu'l Negga in
1900, and was then purchased Irom a Kurneh dealer. It com-
morales a I 's^, " Royal prince," (I Amen-hetep ;
a princess, presumably his sister, named T Jv N^^^""*^"^" ''
and the 11 vg^ '^■^^^ "a^k-^? "brother of [his?] mother" [i.e., the
prince's maternal uncle], ■¥• Ankh-ren. The figures and hiero-
glyphs are roughly incised, and the work is too poor to admit of our
placing it later than Aahmes I. On the other hand, the style of the
figures does not allow of its being placed as early as the Thirteenth
Dynasty, nor for the same reason can the stela be dated to the
Sebek-em-sau-ef group of kings. Consequently the only period to
which it can be assigned is that just before the beginning of the
Eighteenth Dynasty. Prince Amenhetep, therefore, must have been
a son of one of the Seventeenth Dynasty Theban kings. For the
drawing of this stela I am indebted to Mr. W. Cecil.
51. Queen Nebt-nehat. — I purchased this year from a Luxor
dealer two fragments of an alabaster Canopic jar- (PI. II, fig. i),
' This name sliould jjciliaps be restored ^^ ■ • • 1 1 ^ > '-a-nu-in, a
woman's name, whicli occurs on a stele of the Intermediate Period in the Museum
at Turin.
■^ Now in Lord Amherst's Collection.
PLATE I.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1903.
e^Q
cm
rfi^^riV:/^
^NA,V^
r ^-iL >vwr AAA>
Stele of Prince Amenhetep.
SSIM
2.
Lintel of a Doorway at Erment.
Dec. 9] EXTRACTS FROM MV NOTEBOOKS (VII). [1903. '
naming an ^n^. r, I ^^ ( ^"^ m^ i I ' " Hereditary princess
and Great Royal wife, Nebt-nehat." Unfortunately we have not as
yet any means of ascertaining her date, but it is perhaps worth while
putting this new queen on record.
52. Princess Ptah-xeferu.— Prof. Petrie found in the pyramid
of Amenemhat III at Hawara an alabaster altar and several broken
pieces of dishes, inscribed with the name of the Princess Ptah-neferu
(Petrie, Kahun, pp. 12-17, Pis. II-V), who was certainly a daughter
of Amenemhat III. In M. l)aressy's Testes ct Dessins Magiqiies^''
p. 47, is published a magical baton from Licht bearing the same
name. This year I noticed in the shop of a Luxor dealer a
headless sphinx of black granite with a dedication inscription to
Amenemhat III, also naming the princess. The inscription incised
on the chest and between the front legs of the sphinx runs :—
>74 r/ — 7^ ZZ — \i ■ ■ -fv y
■ I III! I -VX t /»v.^v. ,v/v\AA <;;2Z> T -^
53. Princess Thaa. — I purchased this year at Luxor a frag-
ment of a Canopic jar,"^ on which is engraved the name of a
1 ^ '^, '^Princess" ] (] I^ J , "Thaa" (PI. II, fig. 2). It
would be tempting to identify her with the Queen-mother of
Thotmes IV, but had she been this queen it is certain that the
higher titles J. and I ^v\ , " Royal Wife " and " Royal Mother,"
would have appeared on the Canopic jars. We may, however,
r\ ^ /VNA.AAA y-^~T ~~ r""\|
safely identify her with the I '^^ *^^ f \ '^'^ "^ I whose name
occurs in the tomb of the Chancellor of Thotmes IV in the Gebel
Sheikh abd El Kurneh at Thebes. The name of the same princess
is found again on a wooden label in the Edinburgh Museum. ^ She
2 In Catalogue Jti Mitsee du Caire, No. 9438; cf. Gautier snd Jequier, Fouides
de Licht, in M.A.F., VI, p. 60, fig. 68.
■* Now in the Amherst Collection.
^ This and several other similar labels were found by Rhind at Thebes, and
they have usually been attributed to the reign of Thotmes III (Petrie's Hist., II,
pp. 143-5) ' this is due to a misreading of the cartouche I ...m M j in place of
( O c^ 1 1 ^
I , . I . . I Ml 1 : the plural sign, however, is quite legible after the kheper.
359.
(
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1903.
^crc called 'he ^ ^^"^ ] (j^ | .... f^^W] ^
"fe^ 1 ^ ftiP^^^' "Royal daughter Thaia of Thotmes IV,
of the house of the Royal children." The names of her " retinue "
Ms 7 ^^^ given on this label, and as the !^ f] V^
l^^^^^j ^, " Embalmer Nefer-renpet " is the last one on the
list, we may presume that this was the princess's "mummy label."
54. Thk Prinxess Amenemapet. — The name of another
•daughter of Thotmes IV is recorded on a wooden label that I
4)urchased at Thebes in 1901, and which is now in Lord Amherst's
•Collection (PI. II, fig. 3). The inscription runs :— i ^ "^^
1 .^.^fl°n' "'^^^^ "^^^'^^ Daughter Amenemapet." That
this princess belonged to the family of Thotmes IV is clear from
her portrait occurring in the tomb of his Royal Scribe, Horemheb, at
'Thebes. Here she is represented seated on the knee of her tutor.''
55. The Vezir Y-xMERU. — In the Egyptian ^Museum of the
Louvre'^ there is a statue, slightly under life size, of red crystalline
• sandstone, from Gebel Ahmar, of a qS ^^^, "(Governor of the
.(Royal) City and Vezir," named olLjOt^^^, Nefer-ka-Ra
Y-meru. The figure is shown standing, and is represented clad in
•the long vezirial robe. The inscription upon the plinth at the back
•of the statue, and two horizontal lines of hieroglyphs across its chest,
have been published by Mariette in his Karnak, PI. VIII, r., and
-iigain by I'ierret in the Melanges d'arck. eg., Ill, 63. It records
that the statue was made by favour of the King for the Vezir
Y-meru, when the opening of the great tank was celebrated (the
work of which he had supervised) in the temple of King Sebek-hetep.
A statuette of the same personage has recently been added to the
Turin Museum (No. 1220). It is of black granite, and shows
Y-meru standing, with his arms at his sides, and his left leg thrust
'' The scene is published in M.A.F., tome V, p. 434.
^ It is from the Maurier Collection made at Luxor.
360
Dec. 9] EXTRACTS FROM MV NOTEBOOKS (VII). [1903.
forward. He is shown wearing the vezirial robe, down the front of
■which is incised a vertical Hne of hieroglyphs reading : —
This inscription, it will be seen, records that the Vezir
"^^r^ Y-meru was a son of the Vezir Ankhu, whom we already
know from the Bulac Papyrus No. 18, and from his
cylinder seal, a description of which I published some
years ago in the pages of these Proceedings (Feb., 1900.
n <o I " Extracts, etc." Note 10).
1 1 1 1 1 1 56. The Daisy in Egyptian .\rt. — I gave in these
pages, some three years ago,^ the identification of several
flower and fruit forms that occur among the faience
"necklace-pendants" (PL II, fig. 4) from the palaces of
Amenhetep III and Akhenaten, at Thebes and Tell-el-
Amarna. l"he flower-forms that I identified were the
poppy and the cornflower, and, among the fruit-forms,
^1 1 the persea. Another flower-form often met with during
^^ the Amenhetep III and Akhenaten periods is the daisy,
^i^ Sometimes these flowers are white with yellow centres, but
f^ .J more often they are coloured light blue with dark blue
^ centres, and occasionally dark blue with light blue centres.
In these two latter cases the colours are conventional, but
in the former the colouring is true to nature. From the flowers
iilone it would be impossible to identify even the genuc to which the
original of these Httle daisies belonged, but Prof. Petrie possesses a
faience tile^ from Tell-el-Amarna (PI. II, fig. 4) in which some of
these flowers are inlaid. The background of the tile is coloured
green, and shows the stems and foliage of the daisy plant.^^ From
this tile it is seen that the plant was a low growing one with finely
divided alternate leaves, showing that it must have been a species of
Atitheinis. There are many species of Anthemis found in Egypt,^!
but it is of course impossible to identify precisely which one of
them the ancient artist intended to represent.
57. Some Miscellaneous Antiquities : —
'{a) Wooden head-rest, inscribed:— v < \\\\
I I
Q
** Pfoceedhigs, XXII, pp. 142-146.
" II. Wallis, Egyptian Cerai/iic Ail, PI. I, fig. 2, and Nineleeuth Century,
Felx, 1900, p. 320.
'" The cornflower, coloured blue, is also figured on this tile.
'' S££ Hooker and Jackson, ^^ Index A'eiveiisis,''' fasc. I, pp. 144-146.
361
Dtc. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/liOLOGV.
[1903.
P-^l
" the Overseer of the Gardeners of
Kha-em-maat, Daaa." Eighteenth or Nineteenth Dynasty. [Luxor.]
(/>) Broken statuette of the ®| rk^ V^ 11 ^\ , " Vezir Hora."
Luxor. Hora was Vezir of Thebes under Rameses II.
(<■) Part of a statuette group in granite of ] y fl /^^^^ [I '— — ^ , " the
^VWN I (1.
Higli Priest of Amen,"
" Bak-en-khensu.
Luxor. This Bak-en-khensu was the celebrated High Priest of
Amen in the time of Rameses II. (For his life, see my biography of
him in Benson and Gourlay's Temple of Mut, pp. 343-347, and my
note in these Proceedings, 190 1, May, p. 222.)
{d) Cylinder-seal of Usertsen ^ ^ =^3=» , " Beloved of Sebek,
1
Lord of Sek-she(?)." This
be otherwise unrecorded.
Luxor.
(e) Circular bead in glazed
^— ^ locality appears to
^"^^^^ \_Murch Collection l\
r-^m
\\
steatite of the
O
d
1^""^
^^5 Id J ^'^' "Great Royal Wife, khnemt-7icfer-hez, Nefret
ari." [Bought iii Cairo?^
{/) Upper half of a large Amethyst scarab of the | y y '^'^ 0
rv ^yj , "High Priest of Amen and Osiris, Neb-ua." Neb-ua
lived under Thotmes III. Bought in Cairo. [Amherst Collection.']
(g) Circular bead in blue-glazed faience, inscribed with the
name and titles of the Vezir Baser. [Piers Collection, Ne7V York.]
This is the third bead bearing the name of Paser known (see my
note in the Proceedings, 1902, p. 249).
{h) Circular bead in greenish-blue glazed faience, inscribed with
the name of the J, ^\ a n (1 J-^^ , ' The Royal daughter,
Erdet-nes," a princess of the Thirteenth Dynasty. [Piers Collection,
Neiv York.]
(/) Limestone lintel from the doorway of a building of Neb-
kheru-Ra Mentu-hetep at Erment. In the possession of Mr. Jaye.
(PI. I, ng. 2.)
362
PLATE II.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1903.
Canopic Jar of Princess
Nebt-nehat.
v.nJllU
3.
Label of A.menemapet,
Daughter of Thotmes IV.
I. Daisy Pendant.
2. Daisy-pattern Tile in Prof. Petrie's Collection.
Dec. 9] THE TRANSLITERATION OP EGYPTIAN. [1903.
THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN.
Letter of Professor Dr. Eugene Revillout.
( CoJitinued from page -^TyZ-
En ce qui concerne les systemes de transcriptions proposes par
les Egyptologues modernes, je dois dire que je m'arrete a celui de
mon illustre maitre, M. de Rouge, qui ne differe, du reste, pas
sensiblement de celui de Lepsius.
Je crois, en effet : —
i*^*. Que c'est un grand tort d'employer des lettres doubles pour
des lettres qui ne sont pas doubles, ou plutot encore qui n'ont pas
ete considerees comme doubles ])ar les Egyptiens.
Je dis, considerees comme doubles.
En effet, les papyrus a transcriptions grecques d'epoque romaine
nous prouvent que les lettres grecques -^xp ^ 6 (f) etaient considerees
en Egyptien comme des lettres doubles. Dans ces papyrus y^
correspond a '^^^j ^ ^ ^ , i '^ ^"7^^ ^ ^ fD' ^ ^ ra- ^^ ^^ ^^^>
du reste, de meme en Copte thebain, ou jamais ces lettres n'inter-
vennent que, soit dans les mots grecs, soit comme lettres doubles
pour les mots Egyptiens.
C'est ainsi que, quand I'article 11 = ^^ precede un mot com-
men^ant par un ?, la reunion des deux lettres donnera c|), quand
I'article T = "R^ precede un mot commengant par un ?, la reunion
des deux lettres donnera o.^ De meme Ploicmais s'ecrira -v/roi pour
n-GOi, ttc. Seul le Memphitique, qui, biea que representant souvent
' Quand rarticie I i ou Tarticle T precede una consonne double, c'est-a-dire
une de celles precedemment nommees ou bien deux consonnes Egyptiennes sans
s/ieva devant faire une seule emission de voix, Particle prend un 6 ou, si Ton
prefere, reprend, sous une forme adoucie, I'ancien ^\ de /V\ ^^ ^^ '-^^ "^ •
363
T)f:c. 9] SOCIKTV OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1903.
pour les mots Kgyptiens une ancienne forme de la languc antique,
ne s'est pourtant e'crit que posterienrement a la conqueie Arabe, seal
le Memphitique, dis-je, s'inspirant des traditions neo-greccpies, fait
de 0 at de 0 des lettres simples, comme on le voit pour Temploi de
ses articles. ^
2". Je crois aussi, qu'il ne faut pas, comme on I'a fait parfois,
prendre le g, le r, le 0, pour traduire quelques unes des lettres
Egyptiennes. En effet, d'une part, ce que nous venons de dire du
0 suffit pour faire classer cette lettre a cote de nos lettres doubles
/•//, etc., et, d'une autre part, (je dois noter que Le Page Renouf a
parfaitement reconnu ce foit dans sa " phonologic " parue dans les
Memoires de notre Societe,) le g et le d, representant les lettres
grecques gamma et delta et les lettres semitiques gi'mel et daleth,
etaient completement etrangers a I'Egyptien de toutes les periodes.
En Copte, ils ne se trouvent que dans les mots grecs.
J'excepterai seulement pour le r la 2^ personne du subjonctif ou du
temps negatif ; double cas dans lequel le k, marque de cette
2^- personne, devait etre precede d'un 11. Le nu en effet adoucissait
sa prononciation et en faisait un r, C'est par le meme procede
<iu'en hieroglyphes, aussi bien qu'en demotitjue, pour rendre le d de
anus, de Uacicus, etc., on a eu recours souvent a ^ ou _-^.
Les papyrus demotiques a transcriptions grecques font ainsi ordi-
■nairement de ^ = A et de ,^__^ = 1 . II faut seulement noter
cette observation de Le Page Renouf: " though here, too, in other
Egyptian transcriptions the tenuis is sometimes simply substituted
for the medial consonant. Li '^^))'^n;:b mekisie, for instance, =
ac'iiaie, the 7 is represented by '^ <» k " — fait qu'on pent re-
marquer aussi (il le dit meme) en hieroglyphes, pour les noms des
empereurs romains K/aiitius, Tomitiaii, Atriaii.
C'est done une lourde bevue que de vouloir, pour rendre le ^
smaginer un g, pour rendre g > ou le c-^-ra imaginer un d, etc.
Jamais ces sons n'ont existe en Egyptien.
Je n'en dirai pas autant pour le A, qui me parait bien avoir ete
\\n <7, un (joph, lettre i\u\ a existe sous la forme qoppa en grec ou il
jVa plus (jue la valeur numerale 90. J'ai grande tendance a croire
<jue, justement a cause de cette chute du qoppa en grec, on I'a
' Le Mcmp)iitiquc fat ccrit paiceque le palriarclie ava.it, apies la conqucte,
*jiiine Alexaiidric, jiour sc fixer a Mcmjihis (an Caire).
364
Dec. 9] Tin: TRANSLITERATION OF EGVl'TIAX. [1903-.
sacrifie dans les deux dialectes Coptes,' pour ne garder que le K,
comme, dans le plus ancien dialecte ecrit, en thebain, on a sacrifie-
I'aspiree forte, le O, transcrit par un x, dans les contrats bilingues,.
pour ne plus garder que Taspiree faible le ? = !"[] ou |.
On sait que le INIemphitique a ensuite retabli la leltre demotique
Copte 13 = ^ sous sa forme demotique. ^
3°. J'aurais grande tendance a imiter les Coptes, c'est-a-dire,.
non pas a transcrire, comme Champollion ct mon vieil ami
Chabas, I'Egyptien en lettres coptes, ce qui semble creer des mots
coptes de fantaisie, mais a emprunter au Copte, comme les Coptes-
ont emprunte au Demotique, les trois lettres I), :x, et ;'J.'^ Quant
au 2 il est suffisamment remplace par notre h francais. En effet le x
^ Le Bashmuriaue ou Bahiiique n'est qu'un patois sans regie fixe et dans
lequel on peut seulement remarquer, plus accentuee, Tancienne tendance
Egyptienne consi.stant a confondre le /et le r, comme le a et le o (voir ce que nous,
avons dit du -. D).
- Dans d'autres Iravaux j'ai prouve que la connaissance du demotique a
subsiste jusqu'a la conquete Arabe. Cela n'a rien d'etonnant, puisque jusqu'a cette-
conquete, je I'ai prouve aussi les payens avec leurs pretres et certains temples-
subsistaient egalement. Ainsi s'explique I'origine de certains alphabets de
I'egyptien antique rediges par les Arabes et que Quatremere avait deja signales.
Malheureusement, dans les copies successives, ces alphabets sont devennus mecon-
naissables, ou a peu pres ; notons que le jj avait deja ete emprunte par les auteurs
des transcriptions gnostiques en lettres ^recques deja signalees plus haut. C'est
peut etre a cette source que Saint Mesrob ou Tun de ses successeurs I'aura emprunte
quand on organisa I'alphabet Armenien (voir la note suivante).
^ Quand les Armeniens quitterent Tecriture cuneiforme et que St. Mesrob-
voulut leur donner un alphabet, pour les eloigner de plus en plus, comme on I'avait
fait en Egypte pour les Coptes, des traditions du vieux culte, c'est au Copte et par
le Copte au demotique qu'on eut recours pour les sons communs aux deux langues,
et qui n'exisiaient pas en grec. Le hub (ou fl) devint ainsi *> c"est-a-d;re K = T '
le ge devint zi* c'est-a-dire X^j); le 5zr:rt=3?se transforme en 0 , dont
la prononciation changea depuis. Peut-etre meme la lettre ^ -= li, doublon dir
^ = TdH , que Ton trouve dans les premiers essais Egyptiens de transcriptions-
en lettres grecques, a-t-il produit les deux formes ^U'ia) et^(.>r/(?), qui traduisent
le c/ia fran9ais et le c7i anglais. Toutes les autres lettres furent prises aussi au grec
(y compris I'esprit doux ' qui devint la lettre J hi represcntant le h doux
? = f[] = ?, autrefois rendu par la lettre ce armenienne) avec quelques trans-
formations qui s'accentuerent dans la suite. Ne parait il pas naturel aux Egyptologues-
de faire comme les Armeniens, surtout quand il s'agit de la prononciation de
I'Egyptien.
365
Dec. 9] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^:OLOC.V. [1903.
dont on sest servi dans les contmts bilingues et les inscrip'ions
grecques ^ pour le I) a le desavantage, nous Tavons dit, d'equi-
valoir, dans les papyrus bilingues a transcriptions aussi bien qu'en
Copte, a une lettre double. Quant au h i)ointe de diverses
manieres, il ne represente rien de bien net au lecteur et ne rend
aucunement le I) copte et le n hebreu. D'ailleurs, il me semble
(ju'on ne devrait se servir des lettres pointees que pour distingeur
des sons homophones, tels que ^= ^?, i] = «, o = a. Encore y
aurait-il pour ce dernier des reserves a faire comme repr;;sentant
peut-etre un ain primitif. Mais comme, a la basse epoque du
demotique surtout, il se commue facilement avec les deux autres
a dans les racines les mieux connues, je crois qu'on peut facilement
passer la-dessus.
Des distinctions analogues peuvent etre etablies soil entre le c^,
le cz^>} le g S soit entre le ^ — ^, le Sj et meme a la rigueur
le A (que j'aimerais mieux transcrire q), soit entre le ^, et le r[],
etc., etc. Ce ne sont que des distinctions graphiques, pour ainsi
dire.
Yoila, ce que Ton pourrait dire /';/ absirado. Mais souvent les
Egyptologues transcrivent des mots Egyptiens dans des imprimeries
qui n'ont pas les caracteres coptes et qui ont les caracteres grecs.
On peut done pratiquement prendre le x j^our le j), et meme, a
la p-ande rigueur. _ conserver les lettres pointees pour le 3: et le ;y,
ainsi que Font fait Eepsius et de Rouge, par ces raisons sans doute.
Nous en arrivons ainsi a maintenir I'ancien systeme adopte a
Londres, en proscrivant, pour notre part, tons les autres.
Celui qui nous semble, du reste, le plus contraire aux principes
les plus elementaires de la philologie, c'est celui qu'on p;6ne
maintenant a Berlin. Outre tons les inconvenients deja signales par
moi, et qui reposent foncierement sur la supposition gratuite d'un
semitisme errone, il procede, en effet, par une foule d'autres sup-
positions inadmissibles, que j'ai deja signalces dans ma "lettre"
^ Je cilcrai apiro}cparrji que toutes les anciennes inscriptions d'Kgypte traduiscnt
apTTOxpar-ns , parcequ'il vient de ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ <-'=^ ^ harpachrat, " Horus
enfant." C'est ce que j'ai demontre, par une foule d'exemples, au Directeur d'une
Ke\-ue Scientifique, qui avail corrige, sous ce rapport, un de mes articles, en me
reprochant, dans une lettre, de ne pas avoir reconnu le verbe grec Kparew. Ma
petite dissertation, aussitot envoyee sur ce point special, parut dans le n" de la
A'cT'ue, inais ce ne fut pas sous mon nom.
366
Dec. 9] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. . [1903.
tant de fois citee. Qu'il me soit permis d'en reproduire seulement
une page :
" Pour en finir avec le systeme d'Erman, nous devons ajouter
que, d'aprbs des idees preconcues, s'il suppriine Va pour le
bras du son ^^, etc., il supplee, au contraire, pour certains
mots, les letties ou syllabes qu'on trouve dans quelques variantes.
C'est ainsi que I ^ deviendra sfi, parceque 1'/ est souvent ajoute
aux deux consonnes, et que . -^ ■■ deviendra i/i/, parcequ'on a i)arfois
I I I
la variante n , ^ ,. etc.
1 I I I
" II y aurait bien des objections a faire pour ces restitutions ; car
-il n'est pas demontre da tout qu'une racine ne pouvait pas prendre,
selon les cas, diverses formes plus longues ou plus breves. Dans les
langues semitiques, que M. Erman aime tant, il en est souvent ainsi :
et les formes avec ou sans \aleph prosthetique sont frequentes. II
y aurait done eu beaucoup moins d'inconvenients a garder alors,
pour le mot, sa forme exacte, sans aucune restitution, qu'a ecrire. par
exemple, irr pour ar, par I'oeil, suivi de son complement phoneiique
>, alors qu'on gardait i>\ quand I'ceil n'avait pas ce complement
phon^tique.
" II est vrai que cette notation frequente du complement
phonetique appartient sans doute, comme esprit, a la methode
graphique, qui ne voit dans les transcriptions latines qu'un moyen de
rappeler les elements de I'ecriture hieroglyphique, sans vouloir
specifier en rien la prononciation.
" Mais, en definitive, en sommes nous reduits la?"
Ce que j'ai dit precedemment sufifit pour prouver le contraire.
En resume, mon opinion est, que, dans tout le debat qui nous
est propose, il ne faut admettre que ce qui est demontre et agir
toujours en consequence.
Nos vieux maitres, les vrais fondateurs de I'Egyptologie, que, si
I'"on en excepte Champollion, j'ai tous si bien connus et tant aimes,
out done eu raison.
■367
Di'X. 9] .SOCIETY OF BiniJCAL ARCII.llOLOGV. [1903.
Extract from letter of jNI. Victor Loret.
Professor of Egyptolog)- in the University of Lj-ons.
Jc n'ai jamais, je I'avoue, attache une bicn grande importance
iheorique a la question de transcription de I'egyptien. A qui et a
quoi sert une transcription? Aux egyptologues ? Evidemment non.
Quel besoin avons-nous de transcrire ^^ pour le traduire par
" il a dit '"'? Tout au plus une transcription peut-clle etre utile pour
les commencants, afin de leur permettre de se retrouver au milieu
de quelques groupes difficiles, et, dans ce cas, toutes les transcrip-
tions se valent du moment que les interesses s'y reconnaissent.
Est-ce aux non-egyptologues que pent servir une transcription ? S'ils
ne sont pas linguistes, la chose les laisse bien indifferents. S'ils
s'occupent de linguistique et veulent faire quelque comparaison avec
Tegyptien, rien de plus simple pour eux que d'ouvrir une grammaire
et d'apprendre la valeur des vingt Jettres qui constituent I'alphabet
egyptien. Celui qui voudrait utiliser I'egyptien en vue de quelque
recherche linguistique et qui reculerait devant la necessite d'etudier
tant soit peu la phonetique de cette langue, serait indigne de
s'occuper de science. En somme, la seule utilite reelle que je
reconnaisse a la transcription est d'economiser ou d'eviter I'emploi
de signes hieroglyphiques en imprimerie. Je considere done comme
la meilleure transcription celle qui pent s'imprimer dans le plus
grand nombre possible d"imprimeries. C'est pourquoi, dans mon
Manuel de la latigue egyptienne, je n'ai employe avec intention, pour
rendre les sons egyptiens, (jue des caracteres que Ton trouve partout.
Du moment qu'il ne s'agit que de distinguer trois A, qu'importe
qu'on les transcrive a-a-d ou a-a-a ? La transcription a-d-d ecarte
neuf imprimeries sur dix, sans me paraitre bien superieure a la
transcription a-d-d, que peut cxecuter le moindre typographe.
La question de savoir si I'egyptien est une langue semitique et
l)Ossede des voyelles est bien autrement importante. A mon avis,
la langue egyptienne est plus semitique qu'on le croit generalement,
mais je ne pense pas qu'elle soit exclusivement et completement
semitique. J'admets que les Horiens, qui ont fonde la monarchic
egyptienne, sont venus d'Arabie et ont importe avec eux en Egypte
un dialecte semitique cjui a laisse de nombreuses traces dans la
grammaire et dans le lexique egyptien. Mais jc ne puis m'empecher
.t68
Dec. 9] THE TRANSLITERATION OF EGYPTIAN. [1903.
d'admettre en meme lemps que les riverains du Nil qu'ont subjugues
ces Horiens parlaient une langue a eux propre, peut-etre libyenne,
peut-etre nubienne, peut-etre les deux a la fois, et que cette langue a
• laisse, elle aussi, de nombreuses traces en e'gyptien. Dans quelles
proportions les deux langues, semitique et libyco-nubienne, se sont
melangees ])our former I'egyptien, c'est ce qu'il sera peut-etre difficile
de dire avant longtemps, mais je suis convaincu que I'egyptien est
une langue composee, comme I'anglais par exemple, et non une
langue homogene.
Cela dit, la question des voyelles me semble perdre beaucoup de
son interet. L'egyptien ne sera pas plus semitique parce qu'on
rendra p par lu, qu'il le sera moins parce qu'on rendra ^ par on.
Transcrivez o jU par Wady ou par Ouadi, la chose est de peu de
consequence touchant la nature de la langue arabe.
M. K. Sethe {Proceedings, XXIV, 356) a apporte, pour prouver
la valeur consonantique de lettres que d'autres regardent comme des
voyelles, des arguments qui ne manquent pas d'une grande force.
Le mot v^ ^v r /]' ^^"-"^^ ^" substance, donne en copte, selon
ses emplois grammaticaux, les formes tujm, tou, thm, qui se
distinguent par la diversite des vocalisations internes. Or, le mot
n m donne en copte les formes correspondantes ton on hii
Comme ce n'est evidemment pas le /] qui est rendu successivement
par to, o, i-i, il en resulte que, comme dans Ttou-Tou-THU, les
lettres co-o-M sont, dans ton-oii-im, des vocalisations internes et
non des transcriptions diverses du [] . Le [j joue done ici le meme
role que le ^ dans Tmu et represente par consequent une
consonne, non rendue en copte parce qu'elle repond a une aspira-
tion presque inappreciable. Le raisonnement est aussi rigoureux
qu'elegant, mais constitue-t-il la seule explication possible du
fait etudie?
Admettons, par hyoothese, les deux lois suivantes :
1°. L'egyptien peut exprimer ou sous-entendre, par pur caprice,
par defective Schreibimg, les voyelles constituant la vocalisation
interne de ses mots ;
2°. Quand il exprime ces voyelles, il peut les placer, non dans
I'interieur du mot, mais a la fin, de sorte que, par exemple :
A <:^_P^ se lit hour (X, accipiter) et non hroii,
369 2 c
Dec. 9] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1903.
X I [^ ^^v 5 ^ti lit haiis i^Z^^V^*'''., fihim) et non hsmi,
[I B (p r|| se lit anup ("Avov/S-fs) et non a///>//,
[q] ^^. (I se lit s/ia//s (^(Uiy, lu/baliis) et non s/isait.
Appliquons maintenant ces deux lois au mot (1 S . Voulant
rendre les nuances grammaticales repondant aux formes copies
1011 et iin, legyptien se servira des orthographes (1^ (2 et [I g W ^
a lire cnip (ton) et aip (mi), et pourra meme, dans les deux cas
en sous-entendant la voyelle interne, ecrire simplement (J
En resulte-t-il que [I soit une consonne ? Non, bien certaine-
ment. Les groupements O (^ et I] \\ deviennent des diphtongues
jirononcees o (to) et c (h), comme aji et ai en francais.
Je ne considere done pas qu'il soit encore demontre ineluctable-
ment que la lettre l] et ses congeneres soient des consonnes et non
des voyelles.
Cela n'empeche en rien, d'ailleurs, I'egyptien d'etre une langue
tres fortement teintee de semitisme, et ce ne sont pas telles ou telles
transcriptions qui y changeront quelque chose. Je crois, pour
conclure, que le mieux est de laisser chacun transcrire I'egyptien a
sa guise, ou meme ne pas le transcrire du tout, la chose etant
d'importance tout-a-fait secondaire
Lvox, 23 ////;/, 1903.
370
Proc. Soc Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1903.
I s
Dec. 9] PREHISTORIC DRAWINGS AT EL-KAB. [1903.
NOTES.
PREHISTORIC DRAWINGS AT EL-KAB.
An Archaic Shrine.
The photograph reproduced shows a drawing roughly hammered
on the north face of the isolated and much quarried hill which
stands in the middle of the wadi near
the temple of Amenophis III. It re-
presents an archaic wooden shrine similar
to those represented on the mastaba in
the Cairo Museum, 1 and also on the
clay sealings and wooden plaques from
Abydos.-
I think that we have here a contem-
porary drawing of the old temple, which,
as Professor Sayce suggests, was swept away by a torrent, leaving
nothing behind to mark its site, but pottery, fragments of tables
of offerings,^ and the inscriptions on the neighbouring rocks.
A Prehistoric Boat.
The prehistoric drawings shown {see Plate) are situated on a
rock or small cliff on the north-western side of the El-Kab valle)',
about half way between the rock tombs and the Ptolemaic specs ;
the rock itself faces N.E., so is in shade at noon time, which accounts
for the presence of the drawings.
The chief drawing consists of a prehistoric boat with rounded
stem and stern, and having cabins on deck. The whole of the hull
is represented by a carefully hammered surface, the cabin and
awnings, or branches, also are carefully done, but the short rowing
^ See figure in Erman's Li/e in Egypt, Eng. Ed., p. 2^0.
- Royal Tombs, II, PI. IIIa, 5 ; PI. XVI, 114-117.
'■'• A large unbroken table of offerings is figured in El-Kab, PI. IV, i. Its
original position is marked on the map executed in 1896.
1)E.-. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1903.
oars, shown on the right of the photograi)h, are mere scratches, and
may have been the work of another hand.
Above and below the boat are numerous animals, which seem,
from their horns, to be oxen, but that immediately over the cabins
looks like a badly drawn elephant.
The important point to observe is that the rowing oars, which
are such a feature in the boats represented on the pottery, seem to
have been wanting in the drawing as first executed, thus resembling
the boats drawn on the walls of the decorated prehistoric tomb
ound on the opposite side of the river.
I do not think anyone having seen this example, as well as those
at Hierakonpolis, would believe them to be enclosures, as has been
suggested.
F. W. Green.
>ilB>==§is
. The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at
^7, Great Russell Street, London, W.C, on Wednesday,
January 13th, 1904, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper
will be read : —
Dr. Gaster: "A Manuscript Variant of the Decalogue."
•72
INDEX.
Ab-aa, stela daled in ihc reign of
Agam, Hittite name
Akitisubu, Hittite name ...
Amenemapet, daughter of Thothme.s IV, wooden label
Amenemhat, bead of
Amenemhat-sebekhetep, inscription of...
Amenhetep III, a relic of
,, note on the parentage of
,, inscription of at el-Kab
Amenhetep, a prince of the XVIIth dynasty ...
Ankh-ren ; his name on a stele...
Anu, a deity of Erech
Apameia Cibotus, town in Asia Minor...
,, ,, built in reign of Antiochus Soter ..
,, ,, Noah type on coins of
Aramaic documents, some Egyptian ...
Anna, a Cilician deity ...
Aruru, goddess of YaVuru
Asma, or Sima, Hittite goddess
Assyro-Babylonienne, materiaux pour I'Etude de la R
Asl, " Isis" plant, on an Egyptian vase
Asurbanipal, chronology of the reign of
Au-nef, Prince
Axe-handle, with cartouche of Amenhetep III
of
liiiiou
Vol.
Pack
... XXV.
130
... XXV.
347
... XXV.
306
... XXV.
360
... XXV.
137
... XXV.
135
... XXV.
lOI
... XXV.
294
... XXV.
295
... XXV.
358
... XXV.
358
... XXV.
119
... XXV.
225
... XXV.
227
... XXV.
225
'iXV. 202, 259
3"
... XXV.
308
... XXV.
119
... XXV.
305
... XXV.
23
XXV. 326
327
... XXV.
82
... XXV.
136
... XXV.
lOI
B.
Bak-en-khensu, High Priest of Amen in the time of Rameses II
Bible, some unconventional views on the text of the. Part IV
XXV. 362
XXV. 15, 90
2 D
374
SOCIETY OK IJinUCAL ARCH/EOLOOY,
Biblical PapjTus, a pre-Massoietic
Boat, a prehistoric, drawing of a, at El
Bod 'Aslart, temple inscription of
,, text of the inscription
Boissier, A., communications from
Book of the Dead : —
Chapter CXLIX [coiiliiiucd)
„ CL
,, CLI
,, CLl\ l>/s
,, CLII
,, CLIIIa
„ CLIIlB
,, CLIV
,, CLV
,, CLVI
,, CLVII
„ CLVIII
,, CLIX
,, CLX
,, CLXI
,, CLXII
,, CLXIII
„ CLXIV
-Kal
Vol.
Page
XXV.
34
XXV.
371
XXV.
123
XXV.
126
XXV. ;
23> 75
XXV. 1
II, 67
XXV.
70
XXV.
105
XXV.
108
XXV.
109
XXV.
167
XXV.
237
XXV.
239
XXV.
299
XXV.
300
XXV.
301
x.xv.
301
XXV.
302
XXV.
302
XXV.
303
XXV.
339
XXV.
342
XXV.
344
Cersilochus, T. F. Fl., epitaph of, at Gerasa ...
Chariot of Thothmes IV...
Charm, a bilingual, notes on by Prof. Moritz ...
Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, the Greek Versions of
Clemens, C. Valeriu.s, inscription of ...
Cook, Stanley A., Jl/.A., communications from
Coptic MS. t/, 2 in the Bodleian Library
^,3 „ „
>> i^ 3 >! f
Cowley, A., M.A., cnmmunicalions from
Crum, W. E., conmiunications from ...
Cylinder-seals, belonging to Mr. Rigg...
XXV. 33
XXV. Ill
XXV. 89
X.XV. 139
XXIV. 328; XXV. 31
XXV. 34
XXV. 319
XXV. 321
x.xv. 323
XX\'. ■202, 259, 31 1
-X.W. 99, 267
XXV, 71
INDKX.
375
Vol.. Pagb
Daaa, "overseer of the gardeners of Klia-cm-maat," his name on a
head-rest
Dada, or Hadad, Hittite deity ...
Daisy, the, in Egyptian Art
Daisy-pattern tile, a
Death, the waters of
Decalogue, the, and Deuteronomy in Coptic ...
Deuteronomy and the Decalogue, in Coptic ...
Dioscorus of Alexandria, Coptic texts relating to
XXV.
362
XXV.
306
XXV.
361
XXV.
361
XXV.
196
XXV.
99
XXV.
99
XXV.
267
E.
Ea-du, creation of
Egyptian, transliteration of, errata to Dr. Naville's letter on
Erdet-nes, princess, bead of
Erech, city
Erment, lintel of a doorway from
Eshmunazar II, sarcophagus of found at Saida
Extracts from my Note-books, VI
VII
XXV.
119
XXV.
102
XXV.
362
XXV.
119
XXV.
362
XXV.
123
XXV.
130
XXV.
357
G.
Galatia, Jews of the Dispersion in Roman ... ... ... ... XXV. 225
Gardiner, A. H., communications from ... ... ... ... XXV. 334
Gerasa, city ... ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 32
Gilgames and the hero of the flood ... ... ... ... XXV. 113,195
,, kingofErech XXV. 118
,, story of his travels in search of the secret of Life and
Death XXV. 121
,, note on ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXV, 266
Green, F. W., communications from ... ... ... ... XXV. 215, 371
H.
Iladad, or Dada, Hitlite deity : the Reshepli of the AranKwms ... XXV. 306
Ha-Mhyt, goddess, figure of XXV. 113
Hatshepset, bead of XXV. 137
376
SOCIE'l\- OF ninLICAI, ARCH/l':OLOGY.
liittite inscriptions, decipherment of the
,, ,, translation of the ...
,, deities, list of
,, names in Egyptian inscriptions...
,, ,, at Abu-Simbel, and at the Ramesseum
Hora, vezir, statuette of
Howorth, Sir H. H., K.C.I.E., communications from
Humljaba, killed by (lilgames ...
\'oi . Pagf
XXV. 141, 173, 277, 305, 347
XXV. 349
XXV.
307
XXV.
309
XXV.
347
XXV.
362
XXV.
5' 90
XXV.
120
I.
Inscriptions relating to the Jewish war of Vespasian and Tilus ... XXV. 31
Iskhar, liittite goddess, borrowed from Babylonia ... ... ... XXV. 305
Islar, goddess of Erech ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 120
J-
Jews of the di.spersion, in Roman Galatia
Johns, Rev. C. H. W., communications from
Joseph, the Eg}'ptian name of ...
. XXV. 250
XXV, 82, 325
. XXV. 157
cl-Kab, prehistoric drawings at...
,, an inscription at
,, ,, note on
Kha-ankh-ra Sebekhetep, a monument of
Khunes, stele of . . .
Krall, Prof. Dr. Jacob, communications from
Krauss, Dr. S. , communications from
... XXV.
371
... XXV.
215
... XXV.
249
... XXV.
136
... XXV.
135
... XXV.
209
... XXV.
222
Library, donations to the ... XXV. i, 2, 65, 66, 104, 166, 236, 298, 338
Lieblein, Prof. Dr. J., communications from ... ... ... ... XXV. 162
Loret, Prof. Victor, communications from ... ... ... ... XXV. 368
Lu]5us, Ti1)erius Julius, inscription of ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 33
M.
Macer, Havius, epitaph of, at Gerasa ...
MaSu, mount, visited by GilgameS
XXV. 33
XXV. 121
INDEX.
177
Members, election of
,, deceased, notices of: —
Anderson, Rev. ]., D.D.
Pleyte, Dr. W
Mrs. Burton- Alexander ...
Ernst de Bunsen ...
Kinns, Rev. S., Ph.D
Peckover, Miss S.
Nicholson, Sir C, Baii., D.C.L.
Haywood, W. J- ...
Meryt-Ra, queen of Tliolmes III
XXV. 2, 66, 104,
Vol..
Page
66, 236
, 29S
XXV.
103
XXV.
165
XXV.
235
XXV.
235
XXV.
297
XXV.
297
XXV.
297
XXV.
297
XXV,
357
N.
Nash, W. L., /". 5"./^., communications from ... ... ... XXV. loi, 112
Naville, Prof. E. , D.C.L., communications from
XXV. II, 57, 67, 105, 157, 167, 235, 299, 339
Neb-amen, his name on a box lid .. ... ... ... •• XXV. 137
Neb-heh, " Lord of Eternity " plant, on an Egyptian vase ... XXV. 326, 327
N'eb-kheru-Ra Mentu-hetep, his name on a lintel of a doorway, from
Erment XXV. 362
Neb-mu, "Lord of Water" plant, on an Egyptian vase ... XXV. 326, 327
X'ebt-nehat, queen, canopic jar of ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 358
Neb-ua, High Priest of Amen and Osiris, scarab of ... ... ... XXV. 362
Nefert-bu ; her name on a stele ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 358
X'estle, Dr. E., communications from ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 63
Newberry, Percy E., communications from ... XXV. in, 130, 217, 294, 357
Nuseneb, ring-stand of XXV. 135
O.
Offord, J., communications from ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 31
Oils, some Egyptian names of ... ... ... ... ... ... XXV. 328
" Overseers of the Vintners of the temple of the Aten," mentioned
on wine-jar inscriptions from Tell el Amarna ... ... ... XXV. 138
P.
Papyrus, an Aramaic, from Elephantine ... ... ... ... XXV. 205
Pilcher, E. J., communications from ... ... ... ...XXV. 123,225,260
Pinches, T., ZLZ.Z>., communications from XXV. 71,113,195
Plants, Egyptian names of, derived from popular mythology ... XXV. 327
17S
SOCIETY OK BIDLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV,
Poslumus, Pr.cfect of Eg^vpt
Preposition ^|| ^, meaning of ihc
Price, F. G. II., Dir.S.A., communicatii)ns from ...
Plah-ncferu, princess, inscription of ...
Vol. P.\(;k
XXV. 222
XXV. 334
XXV. 326
XXV. 359
el Qa'adeh, seal found at
XXV. 33
R.
Religion Assyro-Babylonienne, malcriau.x pom rctudc de la ... XXV. 75
Remut-Belti, mother of GilgameS XXV. 120
Revillout, Prof. Dr. E., communications from ... XXV. 243, 288, 329, 363
Ring-stand of Xuseneb XXV. 135
S.
Sa-ast, "amulet of Isis" on an Egyptian vase — a plant-name
Sada-halis, Ilittite king
Sahidic Biblical fragments, in the Bodleian library
Sa-IIathor, the family of
,, the friends of ...
,, his title " uarin of the Ruler'.s table"
Samsu-ihma, the year-names of
Sandan, god of Tarsus ...
,, represented on the coins of Tarsus
.Sat-.\ah, queen of Thotmcs IV, monuments of
Sayce, Prof. A. II., LL.D., ore, communications from
XXV. 62, 173, 249, 266, 277, 305, 315, 347
Seal-cylinder, a, from Moms XXV. 62
Sebekhetep III, a cup of XXV,
Secretary's Report, 1902 ... ... ... ... ... ... XXV,
Sekhemet statues, the, of the Temple of Mut at Karnak XXV,
Scptuagint rendering, the, of 2 Kings xix, 26 XXV,
)) ,, ,, ,, contains a reference to
the Egyptian " shadiif " XXV
Shcms, "car of corn," on an Egyptian vase XXV. 326,327
Shrine, an archaic, drawing of at cl-Kab XXV. 371
Siduri, goddess ,\.\V. 195
XXV. 326,
327
... XXV.
306
.. XXV.
317
... x.xv.
133
... XXV.
133
... XXV.
134
... XXV.
325
XXV. 305,
,308
... XXV.
305
... XXV.
357
134
3
217
63
63
INDEX.
Sima, or Asma, Ililtite goddess
Sur-Sunabu
79
Vol.
Page
XXV.
305
XXV.
19s
T.]
Tabiiilh, kinij, his saixophagus found at Saida
Tadal, Hittite name
Tal-tisubu, Hittite name
Targa-tazis, Hittite name
Tell el Amarna, wine-jar inscriptions from
Tessub, the Hadad of Mitanni ...
Thaa, princess, canopic jar of ...
Thehen-en-lieh, " Bronze of Eternity "' plant, on an E
Thisupu, the same as Tessub
Thotmes IV, discovery of tomb of
,, foundation deposits in tomb of ...
,, part of chariot of, found in his tomb
,, hieratic inscription in tomb of ...
Ti, " Hand" plant, on an Egyptian vase
Tidal, Hittite name
Torrey, Prof. C. C. , communications from
Transliteration, the, of Egyptian, letter from Prof. Naville
,, ,, ,, letter from Prof. Dr. J. Lieblein .
,, ,, ,, letter from Dr. Jacob Krall
,, ,, ,, letter from Dr. A. Wiedemann .
,, ,, ,, letter from Prof. Dr. E. Revillout
,, ,, ,, letter from Prof. Victor Loret .
.. XXV.
123
.. XXV.
347
.. XXV.
306
.. XXV.
347
.. XXV.
137
.. XXV.
306
.. XXV.
359
XXV. 326
.327
.. XXV.
306
.. XXV.
III
.. XXV.
III
.. XXV.
III
.. XXV.
III
XXV. 326
327
.. XXV.
347
.. XXV.
139
.. XXV.
57
.. XXV.
162
.. XXV.
209
.. XXV.
212
XXV.
288,
329
363
.. XXV.
368
u.
" Uartii of the Ruler's table," a military title
Usertsen I, steatite bead of
Usertsen, cylinder-seal of
Ui-napistim, visit of GilgameS to
XXV. 134
XXV. 137
XXV. 362
XXV. 121
V.
Vases, a set of seven for unguents or perfumes ; belonging to
Y.G.W.VnzQ, Dir.S.A XXV. 326
Vautour, le, et la chatte, proces de, devant le sokil ... ... ... XXV. 243
Vespasian and Titus, the Jewish war of ,, XXV. 31
;8o
SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
W.
Wiedemann, Prof. Dr. A., communications from
Vol. Page
XXV. 212
Varuru, city
Y-meru, vezir, statue of ,
XXV. 119
XXV. 360
Za-n ; queen of Kha-nefer-Ra, Sebekhetep III
Zay, his name on a wine-jar inscription
Zeuxis, Satrap of Lydia in 201 B.C.
XXV. 358
XXV. 138
XXV. 228
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